Published date: 22 September 2026 15:59 BST | Last update:3 weeks 2 days ago
The International Criminal Court (ICC) has taken no steps to withdraw arrest warrants or related applications concerning Israeli officials, despite mounting pressure and sanctions from the United States, Deputy Prosecutor Nazhat Shameem Khan has said.
“The case is still proceeding,” Khan told CNN in a weekend interview.
“We have taken no steps to try and withdraw any of those arrest warrant applications or the arrest warrants themselves, and the team continues to investigate in that situation.”
The ICC issued arrest warrants in November 2024 for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his then defence minister, Yoav Gallant, over alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Gaza since October 2023.
Since then, the US has imposed sanctions on most of the court’s leadership, including the former chief prosecutor Karim Khan, the two deputy prosecutors, and nine judges including the court’s president.
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Israel has also taken steps to challenge the warrants at the ICC. Two appeals remain in progress, including one challenging the court’s jurisdiction over Israeli nationals because Israel is not a member of the court.
Meanwhile, Middle East Eye has reported that the prosecutor’s office had pursued further cases against senior Israeli officials over the past two years.
In May, MEE reported that the prosecutor’s office had filed a confidential application seeking arrest for Israel’s Finance Minister Bezalal Smotrich over alleged crimes committed against Palestinians in the occupied West Bank.
The charges included forced displacement as both a war crime and crime against humanity, transferring Israel’s civilian population into occupied territory as a war crime, and persecution and apartheid as crimes against humanity.
An evidence review had also been held to consider two further applications, including one targeting National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir.
‘We have trials in court’
Khan’s comments came amid an escalating campaign by the administration of US President Donald Trump against the Hague-based court.
US Secretary of State Marco Rubio announced in July that Washington would use every tool at its disposal to “dismantle the ICC – brick by brick, if necessary”, while urging member states to withdraw their support for the institution.
In other press statements, Rubio also described the court as a “stupid organisation” run by “lunatics and crazies”, and warned that it would face consequences for attempting to exercise jurisdiction over American nationals.
Trump’s ‘sweeping’ ICC sanctions over Netanyahu arrest warrant are imminent: Reports
Khan said the court remained grounded in the Rome Statute, its founding treaty, which was adopted through the sovereign decisions of its member states after decades of negotiations.
“The work of the court continues unabated,” she said.
“We have trials in court. We have a trial scheduled for November of this year and one for next year. We have, in the course of the last year, seen convictions in two major trials, and we continue to conduct our investigations and our prosecutions, and appear in court on a regular basis, regardless of these events.”
Established in 2002, the ICC is the only permanent international court with the jurisdiction to prosecute senior officials for war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide and the crime of aggression.
In addition to the Palestine investigation, the court has more than a dozen active situations, including Ukraine, Darfur, Libya and Afghanistan.
Khan acknowledged that the court and its staff were operating under considerable pressure.
“The nature of the work that we do means that we inevitably will face pressure of all sorts to try and toe a political line, for instance, or to take a different position on the charging of accused persons, or to follow a path in investigation and prosecution,” she said.
“So, indeed, we do feel pressure, but, as I’ve said, the dedication of our staff is extraordinary, and they continue to do their work.”
Washington sanctioned Khan and fellow Deputy Prosecutor Mame Mandiaye Niang in August 2025, alongside two ICC judges. The sanctions froze any US-based assets they held and prohibited American individuals and companies from providing them with funds, goods or services.
Describing the personal consequences, Khan said sanctioned officials could lose access to banks and have their credit cards revoked, while financial transactions in Europe could be restricted to the Single Euro Payments Area.
‘We do feel pressure, but, as I’ve said, the dedication of our staff is extraordinary, and they continue to do their work’
– Nazhat Khan, ICC deputy prosecutor
Other service providers, including health insurance companies, might also sever ties, she said, while family members could be prevented from entering the US.
“I was never given any reasons for the sanctioning,” Khan said. “However, I believe it was because I am a deputy prosecutor at the Office of the Prosecutor.”
The Trump administration is now reportedly preparing broader sanctions against the ICC as an institution, potentially cutting it off from dollar transactions and hitting its access to banking, insurance and technology services.
Despite the pressure, Khan said she remained hopeful about the future of international law.
“The work that we do for victims, the fact that we continue to hear their voices stridently, with so much sincerity – they believe in this court,” she said.
“For them, this provides an avenue of justice that may not necessarily be provided in many courts around the world.
“Every single member of this court works for humanity,” she added, “and there can be nothing better than that.”
Joe Gill MEE, 21 April 2026 09:07 BST | Last update:8 hours 4 mins ago
Comparisons between the US-Israeli war on Iran, the Gaza genocide, and Hitler’s attack on the Soviet Union are being made by scholars
A picture of US President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on fire during a protest against the US-Israeli military action in Iran, near the US Embassy in Manila, Philippines, 9 April 2026 (AFP)
It has long been considered offensive and antisemitic to draw comparisons between Nazi Germany and Israel, but on the specific question of Israel’s genocide in Gaza and its wars of expansion, including the war on Iran, the dam has broken.
Norman Finkelstein, the eminent American Jewish scholar and son of Holocaust survivors, drew the direct comparison between Hitler’s war in the east and the war launched by Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu on Iran on 28 February in a recent Middle East Eye interview.
I have long thought the comparison is merited, for a number of reasons, beginning in 2023 with the start of the war on Gaza.
Like Hitler’s Germany, Israel’s leaders made the fatal error of not knowing when to stop, and opening up several fronts – seven at one point. Each tactical victory – against Hamas, then Hezbollah, encouraged further audacious attacks. Having waged a genocidal campaign in Gaza, colonial expansion in the West Bank, and relentless attacks on Lebanon, Syria and Yemen, Prime Minister Netanyahu turned to Iran in 2025.
Why? A messianic ideology of Jewish supremacy that drives the prime minister and the settler politicians on whom he depends. The politics of ethnonationalism, territorial expansion and hyper militarism are similar, if not identical, to the ideology of the Second World War fascist axis led by Nazi Germany. And this ideology of ethnic supremacy leads to overreach.
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Trump, as a white nationalist who believes in US exceptionalism, shares the same inflated belief in unlimited US power, but is less unequivocally bent on permanent war. (Trump bears some comparison with Italian fascist dictator Benito Mussolini, whose record of failed imperial adventures more closely resembles Trump’s.)
Iran and the Soviet Union
Finkelstein, speaking of the Iran war, compared it to how the war of extermination waged by Hitler on the Soviet people inspired them to rally and defend the country. “This was the same mistake made by Trump. The more Trump turned it into a war of extermination like the Nazis did with Russia… the people rallied, it was the Soviet Union’s Great Patriotic war, a second time.”
Another parallel to the Second World War is that the West’s enemy is a revolutionary regime which is facing severe internal pressures. The Soviet Union in the 1930s was perceived as being weak due to violent internal upheaval; the similar position of Iran before the war encouraged Netanyahu and Trump to believe that a surprise attack would lead to a rapid victory.
The Soviet Union in the 1930s was perceived as being weak due to violent internal upheaval; similar to the position of Iran before the war
Both the Soviets and Iran lacked major global allies prepared to come to their defence. Like the Soviet Union, Iran had non-state groups in different countries that supported its international vision, but these groups pose a limited threat to the world’s most advanced military, and a nuclear-armed regional military power.
Like Iran, the Soviet Union had sought to avoid war by making agreements with its chief enemy, Germany, in the Nazi-Soviet pact of 1939. In the case of Iran, the 2015 nuclear deal was supposed to end the threat of conflict. But Trump ripped it up in 2018.
Both Iran and the Soviet Union had been through very difficult years preceding this frontal military attack. Iran had faced comprehensive sanctions, which helped to spark three major uprisings against the regime, in 2019, 2022 and lastly in January 2026.
The Soviet regime, while in the process of rapidly industrialising, had waged a terror campaign against kulaks, national minority groups, and swathes of the Bolshevik administration, including the officer corp of the Red Army, in which millions died – a point explicitly made by Finkelstein (although he exaggerated by saying “tens of millions” died). As a result, Hitler saw Soviet Russia as weak and vulnerable. He predicted a sweeping victory over Stalin.
As Finkelstein explained: “The first months of the war were a cake walk, disaster for the Soviets… but the Germans made one big mistake: they wanted what was called living space, lebensraum, and [that] means they had to get rid of the people living there, and so they embarked on a war of extermination… Notwithstanding the brutality of Stalin’s regime, notwithstanding collectivisation and the purge trials, which eliminated the entire military and political leadership, the people embraced the “Great Patriotic War”.
Like the Israelis and the Trump White House, the Nazis had a racial contempt for their Slavic enemies who they considered to be inferior and not able to resist the advance of the German armed forces. Trump and Netanyahu likewise consistently belittle the capacity of their enemies, believed the Iranian regime would crumble under direct assault, and see their technological and military superiority as decisive over the “Arabs” and Iran. Trump called the Iranians “animals”.
These Iranians supported the US-Israeli war. Now they realise their mistake
The killing of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei on the first day of the war was supposed to be the knockout blow. It would be as if Hitler had a rocket system that could accurately target Stalin’s rooms in the Kremlin and wipe out the dictator and his politburo. Would that have caused the Soviet regime to collapse amid invasion? Unlikely.
The first year of the Nazis’ invasion saw a devastating series of retreats and defeats for the Soviets. The Wehrmacht rolled through Ukraine, where the famine and terror of the previous decade had drained support for the Soviets, allowing the Germans to march rapidly on to the Russian steppe; in the north the Nazis advanced through Belarus to the gates of Moscow and Leningrad, imposing a brutal siege on the latter. Hitler had every reason to think victory over the Communist regime in Russia was all but certain.
But to successfully overthrow a regime one needs to find new, pliable rulers who are able to replace the old ones. This has not proved possible in Iran, with Reza Pahlavi shown to be wholly inadequate to the task, lacking political skills and wide popular support in Iran.
Germany, and the US and Israel, overlooked the lack of strategic route to defeat their enemies in the long run. In the short to medium term, they win based on superior air power, intelligence, and destructive offensive forces, but in the longterm, the outlook is more problematic, as people constantly attacked in their own lands are certain to resist.
Iranians have come to realise that Trump and Netanyahu are not interested in their liberation – they wish to destroy the country’s independent existence and to fragment it along ethnic lines.
Iran’s new leaders
Moreover, in the case of Iran, the wiping out of the older generation of leaders and commanders has changed the calculus of the regime, brought in new commanders, and if anything ended the restraint that was the policy under Khamenei. The attacks on Gulf states, the blockade of Hormuz, and the insistence that Lebanon must be part of a lasting ceasefire deal show how much Iran, post-February, is no longer afraid to directly confront the encirclement imposed by the US and its allies.
The wiping out of the older generation of leaders has changed the calculus of the regime, ending the restraint that was the policy under Khamenei
Iran, like Russia, is a vast continental nation, and presents huge challenges for any foreign power wishing to conquer or dismember it. Hitler openly saw the Soviet Union as part of the future Third Reich, as a vast colonial territory providing resources and agricultural lands to feed the empire, while turning its people into little more than slaves. After the victories of the first year of the war in the east, things turned sour for the Nazis at Stalingrad in late 1942.
Netanyahu and other Israeli leaders long declared their intention to remove the Iranian regime, using agents on the ground, assassinations and sabotage, and imploring Iranians to rise up against the ayatollahs. But after the mass protests and brutal crackdown in January, these calls have not been heeded. Iranians have rallied to the nation.
If, however unlikely it seems, the latest US-Iran ceasefire somehow transitions to a more permanent agreement to end hostilities on Iran’s terms, it would be seen as a historic defeat for the US, on par with Vietnam. And a break with the total war that killed tens of millions in the 1940s.
As of now, the US is blockading Iran’s ports and seized an Iranian ship, while moving thousands of troops into the region. At home, Trump is on a war footing, putting the auto sector on notice to convert to weapons production, while asking Congress for a $1.5 trillion “defence” budget, the largest ever. This does not look like imminent peace, but with Trump, who knows?
When will it end?
And what about Gaza? The genocide is far from over. For the Palestinians, this question is existential.
History offers some clues. No modern genocide has lasted more than four years. Rwanda’s lasted 100 days – the fastest, most brutal, in history. Cambodia’s lasted over three years until Vietnam invaded and overthrew the Khmer Rouge. The Armenian genocide lasted just over one year. Stalin’s special operation against the Poles, Ukrainians and other national minorities lasted 16 months. The German siege of Leningrad lasted 872 days. The Holocaust, the worst of all, lasted four years.
So far the Palestinians have endured 926 days of extermination and siege. According to a 2025 household survey and joint mortality study, the Gaza death toll had reached 84,000 by January 2025 and is likely now well over 100,000, on top of 6,500 killed by Israel in Lebanon, and thousands more in Iran.
The biggest defeat of all is not in Lebanon, or Iran, but in Washington. US voters have had enough of wars and Israel
Crucially, in most cases, genocide precedes the collapse or military defeat of the perpetrator.
Israel has always relied on unconditional US support, which culminated in Washington arming a genocide, then backing not one, but two unprovoked assaults on Iran, and a prolonged war against Hezbollah. All of them failed, at appalling human cost. And now that US weapons pipeline is in jeopardy.
The vote last week in the US Senate on supplying arms to Israel was historic. Even though it passed, 40 out of 47 Democratic senators voted for Bernie Sander’s resolution blocking a batch of military aid. By contrast, last April, only 15 of the Democratic caucus’s 47 members supported similar measures. This signals a dramatic shift against Israel in Washington.
Democrats who want to be re-elected in November know they must now distance themselves, not just rhetorically, but also financially and politically, from Israel and its powerful US lobby. Aipac is still spending hundreds of millions to get its candidates elected, but the taint of lobby money is increasingly electoral poison.
Netanyahu had his golden time with Trump’s first term, then Joe Biden, and Trump two. That time is coming to an end. Most likely, he will look for a way to prolong Israel’s campaign for regional supremacy and remain in office as long as possible, but he is running out of road.
He now faces his biggest defeat of all; not in Lebanon, or Iran, but in Washington. US voters have had enough of forever wars and Israel.
In Israel, as Finkelstein warns, it is not just Netanyahu, but the whole of Israeli society that “has turned into homicidal maniacs” supporting war on Iran, ethnic cleansing in the West Bank and Lebanon, and genocide in Gaza.
The final lesson of World War Two was that fascism was defeated after its leaders’ disastrous military overreach and defeat at the hands of the Soviet Red Army and partisan resistance. Today’s fascist war leaders have learned nothing from this history.
The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.
Joe Gill has worked as a journalist in London, Venezuela and Oman, for newspapers including Financial Times, Morning Star and Middle East Eye. His focus is on geopolitics, economic history, social movements, and the arts.
President Donald Trump listens as Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks during an arrival at his Mar-a-Lago club, Monday, Dec. 29, 2025, in Palm Beach, Florida. [AP Photo/Alex Brandon]
US President Donald Trump held a three-hour war council at the White House Wednesday with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to discuss plans for a massive military assault on Iran. America’s would-be dictator has repeatedly vowed that a new war would dwarf last June’s 12-day US-Israeli aerial bombardment of Iran, which killed more than a thousand Iranians, the vast majority of them civilians.
The US has surged vast amounts of military personnel and firepower to the region since the beginning of the year, while Trump and his aides have issued a steady drumbeat of bellicose threats.
Led by the USS Lincoln aircraft carrier, an American armada now surrounds Iran’s shores. Warships bristling with Tomahawk cruise missiles and F-35 and F-18 fighter jets are deployed in the Arabian Sea, at the Strait of Hormuz and further north in the Persian Gulf off Qatar. Tracking data also indicates a massive influx of Globemaster C-17 US military cargo planes arriving at US military bases across the region, bearing no doubt all manner of weapon systems, missiles and other munitions.
On Tuesday, Trump said he may soon dispatch a second “armada,” that is, a second aircraft carrier battle group to the region. According to reports, the US Navy is now poised to start seizing tankers transporting Iranian oil, ratcheting up Washington’s decades-long campaign to strangle the Iranian economy through sweeping sanctions that are themselves tantamount to an act of war.
The US started seizing tankers off Venezuela shortly before last month’s illegal attack on the South American country, the kidnapping of its president and Trump’s announcement that Washington has seized its vast oil reserves.
The pathological liar Trump claims that he is pursuing “negotiations” with Iran in the hopes of avoiding a military clash. What a monstrous fraud! The talks are a mafia-style “shakedown,” with Tehran being given the choice between capitulation and war.
Following Wednesday’s meeting with Netanyahu, Trump said his “preference” would be for a “deal,” then menacingly added, “Last time Iran decided that they were better off not making a Deal, they were hit with Midnight Hammer (the US military’s name for its June 21-22 attack on Iranian nuclear facilities). That did not work well for them.”
Earlier Wednesday, Vice President JD Vance similarly threatened Iran. At the end of a trip to Iran’s northern neighbours, Armenia andAzerbaijan, Vance told reporters that Trump has “a lot of options” to attack Iran “because we have the most powerful military in the world.”
Driven by predatory imperialist aims, this policy is not just aggressive. It is reckless and could rapidly culminate in a catastrophic war.
The massive deployment of US military power to the region has its own political and military logic. With ships carrying thousands of military personnel and billions of dollars in weaponry deployed to the region, pressure to use them will grow. The most aggressive sections of the financial elite and military-security establishment will argue that failure to act carries its own risks, from a potential preemptive Iranian attack to appearing “weak.”
In the event of Iranian counterstrikes from any action, the resort of a rattled Trump administration to the use of tactical nuclear weapons is entirely possible.
Washington is demanding Iran forsake its sovereign right under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty to a civil nuclear program; cease all support to Hamas, Hezbollah and the other members of its “Axis of Resistance”; and accept sweeping limits on its ballistic missile program. Acceptance of these demands would leave Iran defenceless and powerless in the face of US and Israeli aggression and reduce it effectively to the status of a semi-colony.
Iran is a historically oppressed country whose development has been indelibly misshaped and thwarted over the past century and a half by its encounter with first British and then US imperialism. It must be defended against imperialist aggression irrespective of the anti-working class character of its Shia clergy-led, bourgeois nationalist regime.
With the support of the Democratic Party and the pliant corporate media, Trump has advanced various pretexts to justify the escalating military aggression against Iran. From stopping nuclear proliferation to “defending” the Iranian people from state repression, each is more grotesque than the last.
Ten years ago, under the UN-backed Iran nuclear accord, Tehran agreed to dismantle most of its civil nuclear program and to subject the remainder to the most intrusive regime of International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) surveillance ever devised. Yet in 2018, Trump torpedoed the accord and unilaterally imposed a punishing regime of sanctions, enforced through Washington and Wall Street’s control of the world financial system, with the express aim of crashing Iran’s economy and triggering regime change.
The US ruling class and its political representatives, Democratic and Republican alike, have no more interest in the democratic rights of the workers and rural toilers of Iran than they do those of the Palestinians, or those who live under the Gulf state absolutist monarchies and the blood-soaked dictatorship of Egypt’s General el-Sisi.
Washington has never reconciled itself to its “loss of Iran” as the result of the 1979 anti-imperialist upsurge that toppled the tyrannical regime of the US-installed Shah. For decades it has relentlessly pursued regime-change through sanctions, threats, sabotage and military aggression.
The impending attack on Iran arises directly out of the bipartisan project—initiated under Biden and continued seamlessly under the second Trump administration—to violently fashion a “New Middle East,” using Israel as American imperialism’s attack dog. Since October 2023, Washington and Israel have gone on a rampage across the region, using aggression, war and, in Gaza, outright genocide to establish a Greater Israel within a Middle East under unbridled US domination.
By seizing control of the Middle East, which in addition to being the world’s most important oil-exporting region lies at the juncture of three continents containing more than 90 percent of the world’s population, American imperialism hopes to gain a stranglehold over all its great power rivals, beginning with China.
Terrified of the working class, Iran’s beleaguered bourgeois regime is incapable of making any progressive appeal to the masses of the region, let alone the workers of the world, for a joint struggle against imperialism. When Trump boasts that Tehran is desperate for a deal, he no doubt for once speaks the truth. On Wednesday, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian stated that the country would open up its nuclear sites for “any verification,” in an apparent attempt to reach some sort of accommodation. Available from Mehring BooksThe struggle against imperialism and for workers’ power in IranA pamphlet by Keith Jones
But the Islamic Republic’s repeated attempts to negotiate a rapprochement with Washington stretching back to the early 1990s have been rebuffed time and again.
American imperialism, meanwhile, has suffered a massive erosion of its global economic power making it only the more desperate and predatory. The gangster Trump is the personification of its harebrained ambition to rule the world.
Based on its publicly stated positions, Tehran views acceptance of Trump’s demands as regime suicide. In the event of an attack, it has vowed to strike back at US bases across the region and at Israel. On Wednesday, the 47th anniversary of the Shah’s overthrow, millions, including many who no doubt have profound grievances with the current regime, took to the streets across Iran to voice their opposition to US imperialist aggression.
The course of events in the next days and weeks remains uncertain. But Trump and US imperialism could at any time set the Middle East ablaze, recklessly initiating a regime-change war against a country of 93 million people that could rapidly engulf the entire region and draw in other great powers.
The Trump administration, moreover, is beset by crisis. It confronts mass opposition to its ICE-led terror campaign against immigrants and, more broadly, its drive to establish a presidential dictatorship, and a growing strike movement involving teachers, health sector and other industrial workers. The Epstein scandal has implicated the entire political and financial elite—and Trump, members of his cabinet and key billionaire supporters directly—in a network of venality and criminality, where obscene wealth provides impunity.
Trump could well see a foreign war against an enemy long vilified by the American media as a means of extricating himself and his administration from its myriad crises. Undoubtedly, he would seize on a war with Iran to intensify his operation dictatorship, including by labeling antiwar protesters treasonous.
War is a well-trodden path for governments and ruling classes facing intractable problems and mounting social opposition. That was the gamble many of Europe’s leaders took in 1914, most famously Nicholas II, the Russian Czar toppled in the first stage of the revolution that brought the working class to power under the Bolsheviks in October 1917.
A jackal is never more vicious and dangerous than when it is wounded. American imperialism and the global capitalist system that it has politically and economically backstopped for most of the past century are visibly rotting on their feet. The same objective processes that are impelling imperialism, led by the United States, to aggression and world war, are fueling a global upsurge of the working class that can and must be infused with a socialist perspective.
Workers in the United States and around the world must come to the defence of the Iranian people, demand the immediate withdrawal of all US military forces from the Middle East and the rescinding of all sanctions on Iran as part of the development of a global movement against war.
The fight against war is a fight against capitalism. It must be based on the revolutionary mobilization of the international working class. Opposition to rearmament and war must be linked to the struggle to defend workers’ living standards and social and democratic rights, oppose oligarchy and dictatorship and for social equality.
President Trump said on Wednesday that he told Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in a phone call a day earlier to “keep going” with his attacks on Iran.
The president told reporters that Netanyahu, who is wanted by the International Criminal Court for his role in war crimes in Gaza, is a “good man” who has been treated “very unfairly” by his own country. “He’s a wartime president. Going through this nonsense — ridiculous,” Trump said.
Trump’s comments about Netanyahu come amid anticipation over whether or not the US will enter Israel’s war with Iran directly by launching airstrikes. The US has supported the assault by providing weapons and intelligence and intercepting Iranian missiles and drones, but so far hasn’t launched direct strikes of its own.
Trump and Netanyahu at the White House on April 7, 2025 (White House photo)
The president also said on Wednesday that “nobody knows” whether he’ll enter the war or not. When asked if he was moving closer on a decision to bomb Iranian nuclear facilities, Trump said, “You don’t know that I’m going to even do it. You don’t know. I may do it. I may not do it. I mean, nobody knows what I’m going to do. I can tell you this, that Iran’s got a lot of trouble.”
In other comments to the press, Trump said he wasn’t interested in an Israel-Iran ceasefire. “We’re not looking for a ceasefire. We’re looking for a total and complete victory. Again, you know what the victory is: no nuclear weapon,” he said.
Netanyahu launched his war of aggression against Iran under the pretext of preventing Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon, but US intelligence assessed before the attacks that Tehran was not pursuing a nuclear bomb.
This is the last chapter of the genocide. It is the final, blood-soaked push to drive the Palestinians from Gaza. No food. No medicine. No shelter. No clean water. No electricity. Israel is swiftly turning Gaza into a Dantesque cauldron of human misery where Palestinians are being killed in their hundreds and soon, again, in their thousands and tens of thousands, or they will be forced out never to return.
The final chapter marks the end of Israeli lies. The lie of the two-state solution. The lie that Israel respects the laws of war that protect civilians. The lie that Israel bombs hospitals and schools only because they are used as staging areas by Hamas. The lie that Hamas uses civilians as human shields, while Israel routinely forces captive Palestinians to enter potentially bobby trapped tunnels and buildings ahead of Israeli troops. The lie that Hamas or Palestine Islamic Jihad (PIJ) are responsible — the charge often being errant Palestinian rockets — for the destruction of hospitals, United Nations’ buildings or mass Palestinian casualties. The lie that humanitarian aid to Gaza is blocked because Hamas is hijacking the trucks or smuggling in weapons and war material. The lie that Israeli babies are beheaded or Palestinians carried out mass rape of Israeli women. The lie that 75 percent of the tens of thousands killed in Gaza were Hamas “terrorists.” The lie that Hamas, because it was allegedly rearming and recruiting new fighters, is responsible for the breakdown of the ceasefire agreement.
Israel’s naked genocidal visage is exposed. It has ordered the evacuation of northern Gaza where desperate Palestinians are camped out amid the rubble of their homes. What comes now is massstarvation — the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) said on March 21 it has six days of flour supplies left — deaths from diseases caused by contaminated water and food, scores of killed and wounded each day under the relentless assault of bombs, missiles, shells and bullets. Nothing will function, bakeries, water treatment and sewage plants, hospitals — Israel blew up the damaged Turkish-Palestinian hospital on March 21 — schools, aid distribution centers or clinics. Less than half of the 53 emergency vehicles operated by the Palestine Red Crescent Society are functional due to fuel shortages. Soon there will be none.
Israel’s message is unequivocal: Gaza will be uninhabitable. Leave or die.
Since Tuesday, when Israel broke the ceasefire with heavy bombing, over 700 Palestinians have been killed, including 200 children. In one 24 hour period 400 Palestinians were killed. This is only the start. No Western power, including the United States, which provides the weapons for the genocide, intends to stop it. The images from Gaza during the nearly sixteen months of incessant attacks were awful. But what is coming now will be worse. It will rival the most atrocious war crimes of the twentieth century, including the mass starvation, wholesale slaughter and leveling of the Warsaw Ghetto in 1943 by the Nazis.
Oct. 7 marked the dividing line between an Israeli policy that advocated the brutalization and subjugation of the Palestinians and a policy that calls for their extermination and removal from historic Palestine. What we are witnessing is the historical equivalent of the moment triggered by the annihilation of some 200 soldiers led by George Armstrong Custer in June 1876 at the Battle of the Little Bighorn. After that humiliating defeat, Native Americans were slated to be killed with the remnants forced into prisoner of war camps, later named reservations, where thousands died of disease, lived under the merciless gaze of their armed occupiers and fell into a life of immiseration and despair. Expect the same for the Palestinians in Gaza, dumped, I suspect, in one of the world’s hellholes and forgotten.
“Gaza residents, this is your final warning,” Israeli Minister of Defense Israel Katz threatened:
The first Sinwar destroyed Gaza and the second Sinwar will completely destroy it. The Air Force strikes against Hamas terrorists were just the first step. It will become much more difficult and you will pay the full price. The evacuation of the population from the combat zones will soon begin again…Return the hostages and remove Hamas and other options will open for you, including leaving for other places in the world for those who want to. The alternative is absolute destruction.
The ceasefire deal between Israel and Hamas was designed to be implemented in three phases. The first phase, lasting 42 days, would see an end to hostilities. Hamas would release 33 Israeli hostages who were captured on Oct. 7, 2023 — including women, those aged above 50, and those with illnesses — in exchange for upwards of 2,000 Palestinian men, women and children imprisoned by Israel (around 1,900 Palestinian captives have been released by Israel as of March 18). Hamas has released a total of 147 hostages, of whom eight were dead. Israel says there are 59 Israelis still being held by Hamas, 35 of whom Israel believes are deceased.
The Israeli army would pull back from populated areas of Gaza on the first day of the ceasefire. On the seventh day, displaced Palestinians would be permitted to return to northern Gaza. Israel would allow 600 aid trucks with food and medical supplies to enter Gaza daily.
The second phase, which was expected to be negotiated on the sixteenth day of the ceasefire, would see the release of the remaining Israeli hostages. Israel would complete its withdrawal from Gaza maintaining a presence in some parts of the Philadelphi corridor, which stretches along the eight-mile border between Gaza and Egypt. It would surrender its control of the Rafah border crossing into Egypt.
The third phase would see negotiations for a permanent end of the war and the reconstruction of Gaza.
Israel habitually signs agreements, including the Camp David Accords and the Oslo Peace Agreement, with timetables and phases. It gets what it wants — in this case the release of the hostages — in the first phase and then violates subsequent phases. This pattern has never been broken.
Israel refused to honor the second phase of the deal. It blocked humanitarian aid into Gaza two weeks ago, violating the agreement. It also killed at least 137 Palestinians during the first phase of the ceasefire, including nine people, — three of them journalists — when Israeli drones attacked a relief team on March 15 in Beit Lahiya in northern Gaza
Israel’s heavy bombing and shelling of Gaza resumed March 18 while most Palestinians were asleep or preparing their suhoor, the meal eaten before dawn during the holy month of Ramadan. Israel will not stop its attacks now, even if the remaining hostages are freed — Israel’s supposed reason for the resumption of the bombing and siege of Gaza.
The Trump White House is cheering on the slaughter. They attack critics of the genocide as “antisemites” who should be silenced, criminalized or deported while funneling billions of dollars in weapons to Israel.
Israel’s genocidal assault on Gaza is the inevitable denouement of its settler colonial project and apartheid state. The seizure of all of historic Palestine — with the West Bank soon, I expect, to be annexed by Israel — and displacement of all Palestinians has always been the Zionist goal.
Israel’s worst excesses occurred during the wars of 1948 and 1967 when huge parts of historic Palestine were seized, thousands of Palestinians killed and hundreds of thousands were ethnically cleansed. Between these wars, the slow-motion theft of land, murderous assaults and steady ethnic cleansing in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, continued.
That calibrated dance is over. This is the end. What we are witnessing dwarfs all the historical assaults on Palestinians. Israel’s demented genocidal dream — a Palestinian nightmare — is about to be achieved. It will forever shatter the myth that we, or any Western nation, respect the rule of law or are the protectors of human rights, democracy and the so-called “virtues” of Western civilization. Israel’s barbarity is our own. We may not understand this, but the rest of the globe does.
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Chris Hedges
Chris Hedges is a Pulitzer Prize–winning journalist who was a foreign correspondent for fifteen years for The New York Times, where he served as the Middle East Bureau Chief and Balkan Bureau Chief for the paper. He previously worked overseas for The Dallas Morning News, The Christian Science Monitor, and NPR. He is the host of show The Chris Hedges Report.
He was a member of the team that won the 2002 Pulitzer Prize for Explanatory Reporting for The New York Times coverage of global terrorism, and he received the 2002 Amnesty International Global Award for Human Rights Journalism. Hedges, who holds a Master of Divinity from Harvard Divinity School, is the author of the bestsellers American Fascists: The Christian Right and the War on America, Empire of Illusion: The End of Literacy and the Triumph of Spectacle and was a National Book Critics Circle finalist for his book War Is a Force That Gives Us Meaning. He writes an online column for the website ScheerPost. He has taught at Columbia University, New York University, Princeton University and the University of Toronto.
On Tuesday, a Hamas official responded to President-elect Donald Trump’s warning that there would be “all hell to pay” if Israeli hostages in Gaza weren’t released by his inauguration on January 20, 2025.
Trump didn’t mention Hamas by name in his warning but appeared to threaten US strikes on the Palestinian group, saying, “Those responsible will be hit harder than anybody has been hit in the long and storied History of the United States of America.”
Basem Naim, a senior member of Hamas’s political bureau, said Trump’s threat should be directed at Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, citing his efforts to sabotage a hostage and ceasefire deal. Israeli officials and media reports have also blamed Netanyahu for the lack of a deal.
“Hamas understands that Trump’s message is, in fact, directed primarily at Netanyahu and his government,” Naim said, according to The Palestine Chronicle.
Naim said the Netanyahu government had been using negotiations as a cover to advance its own agenda. “Netanyahu’s government must put an end to this deceptive charade,” he said.
Former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, who was recently fired by Netanyahu, said that the prime minister sabotaged the chances of a hostage deal by demanding Israel maintain control of the Philadelphi Corridor on the Gaza-Egypt border.
“I can tell you what there was not, security considerations. The IDF chief and I said there was no security reason for remaining in the Philadelphi Corridor,” Gallant told hostage families on November 7. “Netanyahu said that it was a diplomatic consideration, I’m telling you there was no diplomatic consideration.”
There are believed to be 97 Israeli hostages remaining in Gaza, and Israeli media reported back in September that Netanyahu told a Knesset committee that only half of the hostages were believed to be alive.
The Israeli newspaper Haaretz reported in October that the Israeli government was done with ceasefire talks and was instead focused on annexing portions of the Gaza Strip. There’s been some recent efforts by mediators to restart talks, but there’s no sign the effort is going anywhere, and there’s no end in sight to the daily slaughter in Gaza.
Today, Iran launched a massive missile attack against Israel, which Tehran billed as a response to Israel’s recent assassinations of leaders of the IRGC, Hezbollah and Hamas. Israel now appears to be mulling a retaliation in turn that could push the sides into all-out war.
When Israel and Iran narrowly avoided a full-blown conflict in April, I warned that we shouldn’t let Biden’s help in averting escalation overshadow his broader, strategic failure to prevent such a dangerous moment from ever arising. Had the U.S. used its considerable leverage with Israel to end its war in Gaza, the region would not have found itself on the edge of a disastrous war in April; six months later, the Middle East is back at the brink of disaster.
Iran has made it clear that it does not want a regional conflict; Tehran doesn’t seem to believe it can afford such a war. But Netanyahu clearly thinks it’s in his interest to ramp up conflict right now, as Washington stands frozen — a month out from an election and with a lame duck president who seems incapable of telling Israel “no,” no matter the costs for American security.
One must hope that somehow, further escalation is avoided. But the risk of just such an outcome is enormous, and if the U.S. finds itself in a new forever war in the Middle East, the buck will stop with Biden. This White House has repeatedly chosen to keep the U.S. on the precipice of war, rather than restrain Israel’s military as its expanding wars killed more and more civilians in Gaza and now Lebanon. The Biden administration has helped bring about this extraordinarily dangerous moment by providing Israel with the weapons, political protection, diplomatic support, and money it requires to pursue the exact escalation that the Biden administration professes it does not want.
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Biden’s strategy has been to put enormous effort into deterring Iran and its partners from retaliating against Israel, while doing virtually nothing to discourage Israel from escalating in the first place. This lopsided approach has in fact been a recipe for escalation, repeatedly proving to Netanyahu that Washington has no intention of bringing pressure to bear on Israel, no matter its actions.
If Biden enables further escalation from Israel, this could very well lead to a direct U.S.-Iran military confrontation that would be profoundly destabilizing in the region. The consequences for U.S. national security of such a war are hard to quantify — but it’s easy to imagine consequences on par with the disastrous military adventurism that George W. Bush’s administration pursued in the Middle East.
If U.S. service members find themselves in the line of fire in an expanding Iran-Israel conflict, it will be a direct result of this administration’s failure to use U.S. leverage to pursue America’s most core security interest here — avoiding war.
Joe Biden came into office promising to end the era of forever wars and the quixotic, costly efforts to transform the Middle East. Now, Biden appears to have fallen into the trap of thinking that U.S. military force will transform the region for good. It is stunning that Washington appears not to have learned this lesson yet.
Editor’s remarks: Netanyahu is saying what is obviously Israeli position despite the charade of ‘peace negotiations’ and the mouldy mantra of the ‘two-state’ solution that has been the stock-in-trade of the Israeli deception and thereby misleading the Palestinians and the world public opinion. Most of the Arab states and their servile rulers are dependent upon US imperialism for their survival. Except for an occasional pronouncenment of solidarity with the people of Palestine, mostly for domestic consumption and to please the Arab masses, the countries like Egypt and Saudi Arabia are furthering the Israeli designs. What makes these countries partners of Israel and for which objectives is not always divulged openly.
Nasir Khan, Editor
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Netanyahu says there will never be a real Palestinian state
Lots of folks are talking about this. Last Friday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu gave a press conference in Hebrew in which he stated that he would never accept Palestinian sovereignty in the West Bank because Israel’s security needs are too great in an era of Islamic radicalism. His remarks have been summarized by David Horovitz in the Times of Israel, with limited quotations.
“I think the Israeli people understand now what I always say: There cannot be a situation, under any agreement, in which we relinquish security control of the territory west of the River Jordan,” Netanyahu said, leading Horovitz to say: “That sentence, quite simply, spells the end to the notion of Netanyahu consenting to the establishment of a Palestinian state.” Just Bantustans, what we’ve observed again and again in recent years.
There are many people who think that Israel has invaded Gaza in response to the rockets from Gaza. But there is more to this scenario then many casual readers know. Therefore I present a brief account of what happened. After the killing of three young ultra-rightist Jewish settlers by some unknown people and the burning alive of a Palestinian youth by the Zionists, the Netanyahu government accused Hamas of the killings. This Hamas categorically denied and declared that such accusations were totally unfounded. Hamas had nothing to do with the killings; it also condemned such killings because it was apprehensive that the Israeli government would use it an excuse to unleash terror in the West Bank and also Gaza. That’s exactly what happened.
Israeli police and army started a large-scale crack down on all members and sympathisers of Hamas in the West Bank. They also killed many Palestinians during these operations. As a reaction to the victimisation of its members by Israel, some resistance-fighters from Gaza fired rockets into Israel without causing much damage or death. There is no credible evidence that one Israeli citizen was killed by the rocket fire. As expected by many political observers Israel used firing of rockets from Gaza as a casus belli for a full scale aerial bombardment indiscriminately that was followed by a ground invasion. But what are the real reasons for Israeli war on Gaza? One prime reason is to strike at the Palestinian unity government that the two factions Fatah and Hamas had formed after the collapse of the US charade of peace talks between the parties.
Israeli war on Gaza is to crush Fatah-Hamas unity and any resistance to Israeli occupation
July 19, 2014.
Nasir Khan, July 19, 2014
There are many people who think that Israel has invaded Gaza in response to the rockets from Gaza. But there is more to this scenario then many casual readers know. Therefore I present a brief account of what happened. After the killing of three young ultra-rightist Jewish settlers by some unknown people and the burning alive of a Palestinian youth by the Zionists, the Netanyahu government accused Hamas of the killings. This Hamas categorically denied and declared that such accusations were totally unfounded. Hamas had nothing to do with the killings; it also condemned such killings because it was apprehensive that the Israeli government would use it an excuse to unleash terror in the West Bank and also Gaza. That’s exactly what happened.
Israeli police and army started a large-scale crack down on all members and sympathisers of Hamas in the West Bank. They also killed many Palestinians during these operations. As a reaction to the victimisation of its members by Israel, some resistance-fighters from Gaza fired rockets into Israel without causing much damage or death. There is no credible evidence that one Israeli citizen was killed by the rocket fire. As expected by many political observers Israel used firing of rockets from Gaza as a casus belli for a full scale aerial bombardment indiscriminately that was followed by a ground invasion. But what are the real reasons for Israeli war on Gaza? One prime reason is to strike at the Palestinian unity government that the two factions Fatah and Hamas had formed after the collapse of the US charade of peace talks between the parties.
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