Posts Tagged ‘Zionism.’

Arab states condemned Israel publicly, but quietly moved on from Gaza

June 11, 2026

MEM, June 11, 2026 at 8:00 am

An aerial view of destruction in Sheikh Ridwan neighborhood following the Israeli forces' withdrawal with the ceasefire agreement in Gaza City, Gaza on October 17, 2025. [Mohammed Abu Samra - Anadolu Agency]

An aerial view of destruction in Sheikh Ridwan neighborhood following the Israeli forces’ withdrawal with the ceasefire agreement in Gaza City, Gaza on October 17, 2025. [Mohammed Abu Samra – Anadolu Agency]

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Since the launch of Israel’s devastating war on Gaza, Tel Aviv—heavily shielded by Western political pressure and strategic intimidation against any state rejecting its actions—has faced widespread regional rhetorical backlash. Almost all Arab states, including those with formal ties to Israel, have issued varying forms of public condemnation. Yet behind the theatre of diplomatic outrage, a far more cynical reality has solidified: the core normalizers—including the Abraham Accords signatories, alongside Jordan and Egypt—have fiercely protected their foundational ties to Tel Aviv, ensuring that the machinery of state relations remains fundamentally uninterrupted. 

In other words, business continued as usual, albeit with varying degrees of public caution. Shockingly, not a single normaliser country took concrete diplomatic or legal steps that could amount to the actions taken by non-Arab European nations.

While European governments like Spain and Norway formally recognised the State of Palestine, and Madrid officially intervened in the genocide case against Israel at the International Court of Justice, Arab capitals remained entirely absent from these legal mechanisms.

Even the United Kingdom, a staunch Western ally of Tel Aviv, moved to partially suspend arms export licenses over international humanitarian law concerns. By contrast, the Arab normalizers refrained from any punitive measures—whether legal, economic, or diplomatic—that could fundamentally disrupt their bilateral frameworks with Israel.

READ: Israel plans wide Gaza operation amid ceasefires elsewhere

The profound irony lies in the stark divergence between rhetoric and responsibility. From the constituent members of the League of Arab States (LAS), the regional public naturally expected serious, immediate, and material reactions to the catastrophe in Gaza. After all, the Palestinian struggle is explicitly enshrined in almost every single LAS document as the supreme, ‘central cause’ of the Arab world—a boilerplate phrase mechanically inserted into nearly every summit declaration, including those ostensibly dedicated to economic reform or environmental cooperation. Yet, despite the immense, unyielding public rage boiling across the Arab streets, these governments stood their ground.

Instead of translating their institutional mandates into punitive diplomatic, legal and economic actions against Israel, they chose to hide behind empty rhetoric and meaningless communiqués, weaponising the Palestinian cause as a convenient distraction to pacify local populations while ensuring that their actual state policies remained entirely unchanged.

Even the official media apparatuses of the LAS countries actively collude in disillusioning the Arab audience. They tirelessly repeat empty government slogans and safe debates on Israeli aggression—though even this minimal coverage is heavily sanitized or absent in the UAE and Bahrain, and strictly curtailed in Morocco. Crucially, these networks enforce an absolute embargo on debating their own governments’ shameful positions. As a frequent guest on these regional talk shows, I have witnessed this systemic paralysis firsthand. I repeatedly pleaded with a Libyan TV station to dedicate a few episodes of its flagship program to analysing these regional diplomatic failures. They never did. The explanation they gave me was chillingly simple: ‘We are based in Jordan, and doing anything like that is highly likely to generate severe problems for us with the host authorities. The same happened with another one based in Istanbul. 

Nowhere is the disconnect between moral posturing and material reality more visible than in the ledger of regional trade. As I have previously argued  in these pages, Arab capitals possess immense economic and financial levers—ranging from sovereign wealth divestments to the suspension of market access—that could exert genuine pressure on Tel Aviv. Yet, they have deliberately chosen not to leverage them. Instead, the economic machinery has hummingly defied all expectations.

The UAE-Israel Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA), which systematically removed tariffs on 96 percent of goods and was signed just months before October 2023, went into full force implementation within months as if nothing was happening, and it remains so today.

According to the  UN Comtrade Israel-UAE Registry Israel-UAE Registry, bilateral commerce did not freeze nor even slow; it thrived. The UAE alone exported over $1.6 billion worth of goods to Israel. Most damningly, this transactional pipeline included hundreds of millions of dollars in refined petroleum—highly needed to keep Israel’s killing machine turning—beside vital industrial metals. While the streets of Amman, Cairo, and Casablanca burned with indignation, the normalisers ensured that the fuel, funds, and supply lines keeping the Israeli economy resilient were never compromised. 

READ: Former European leaders urge tougher EU action against Israel over Gaza and West Bank

This absolute insulation of state policy from popular will exposes the grim effectiveness of the modern Arab security state. Historically, authoritarian regimes across the region approached the Palestinian cause very cautiously, fearing that a failure to project nominal solidarity had the potential to become a lightning rod for domestic uprisings. Today, that calculus has fundamentally shifted. Through sophisticated digital surveillance networks—frequently utilising Israel’s own advanced cyber-intelligence and surveillance products—intense policing, and a strategic pivoting toward hyper-nationalistic or purely transactional domestic development projects, such as the UAE’s tech-driven economic models, these ruling elites have effectively decoupled public sentiment from executive state actions. In countries like Egypt and Jordan, security apparatuses are highly adept at acting as pressure valves. They systematically permit tightly controlled, heavily policed street protests within designated perimeters, allowing the public to exhaust its emotional fury and chant anti-normalisation slogans for the cameras. Yet, the moment that popular outrage attempts to cross the line from performative condemnation to demanding actual structural policy changes—such as the blockage of transit corridors or the total severance of treaties—the state security fist clamps down instantly. The message written into this enforcement strategy is as clear as it is cynical: public rage is tolerated as an emotional outlet, but it will never be permitted to interfere with the permanent geostrategic and economic architecture of the state. Even a country like Libya, despite its long history of unyielding ideological, financial, and military support for Palestine under the late Muammar Gaddafi, has been neutralised by internal division; today, its fragmented authorities are no more active or effective in confronting Tel Aviv than, say, Egypt.

Ultimately, the ongoing tragedy in Gaza has pulled back the curtain on a profound structural mutation in Middle Eastern geopolitics.

The era in which the Palestinian struggle served as the ultimate litmus test for Arab state legitimacy is effectively over, replaced by cold, hyper-transactional policies.

Even the LAS’ usually empty statements now hardly criticise Israel more openly than some of its individual members do, showcasing a total institutional breakdown. By protecting the underlying architecture of normalization, keeping the trade pipelines operational, and managing domestic anger as a security threat rather than a political mandate, the region’s leaders have sent an unmistakable signal to the global community: business as usual is outlasting a genocide. While the modern security apparatus can successfully suppress the rage of the Arab street today, building a regional order on such a cavernous moral vacuum is a dangerous gamble. In their desperate bid to secure immediate geostrategic alignments, the Arab normalisers may have preserved their treaties, but they have undeniably sown the seeds of deep, systemic instability for generations to come.

Tel Aviv advances de facto annexation of occupied West Bank with massive settlement expansion

June 4, 2026

Israel’s genocidal finance minister holds significant authority over the West Bank Civil Administration, allowing him to expand illegal settlements freely

News Desk, The Cradle,

JUN 3, 2026

(Photo credit: Reuters)

Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich announced a new and major illegal settlement project in the occupied West Bank on 3 June, which aims to see the construction of around 2,000 houses on Palestinian land. 

According to the minister, 1,006 housing units will be in a new settlement near the occupied holy city of Jerusalem.

Over 920 are planned near occupied Nablus and another 234 near the city of Hebron. “We are continuing to build the Land of Israel in practice,” Smotrich said. 

The settlements will “strengthen our hold on the land, reinforce Israel’s security, and establish clear facts on the ground that prevent the creation of an Arab terror state in the heart of the country.”

Smotrich holds significant authority over Israel’s Civil Administration in the occupied territory. 

In the summer of 2023, around six months after Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government came to power, significant portions of the Civil ​Administration in the West Bank – an Israeli military body – were placed under Smotrich’s authority. 

This gave the minister free rein to swiftly expand illegal settlements. 

Smotrich’s announcement on Wednesday comes as Tel Aviv is also moving to seize private Palestinian land around an archeological site in the occupied West Bank.

The Civil Administration announced on 2 June that it has started to expropriate 320 dunams (about 80 acres) of land for the “preservation and development” of the Herodium – a massive fortress complex built between 23 and 15 BC. 

“[The expropriation] is being advanced in accordance with the law, following comprehensive professional assessments conducted by the Civil Administration’s Staff Officer for Archaeology and Staff Officer for Nature Reserves,” the administration said in a statement. 

“Their findings pointed to an urgent need to regulate the area and promote preservation efforts at the site in order to prevent damage to archaeological remains of unique historical and cultural significance,” it added. 

Since Netanyahu’s government took office in late 2022, Israeli authorities have accelerated plans for the de facto annexation of the occupied West Bank and occupied East Jerusalem. 

In February, the Israeli government approved a land registration process allowing Israel to claim territory in the occupied West Bank as “state property” if Palestinians cannot prove ownership.

A few weeks later, dozens of new illegal settlements were approved.

Middle East Eye (MEE) released an investigation in May detailing the “New Nakba” that has escalated against the Palestinian communities of occupied East Jerusalem since 7 October 2023.

According to the investigation, 20,000 Palestinian-owned homes are currently under Israeli demolition orders across occupied East Jerusalem.

Israel is also moving forward with plans to steal large amounts of Palestinian-owned property near Al-Aqsa Mosque.

Tel Aviv is openly working to establish continuity between illegal settlements in order to solidify its control over the West Bank and the city of Jerusalem, and block any prospect of Palestinian statehood.

Europe’s new strategy to hide the rot in Israeli society is to scapegoat Itamar Ben-Gvir

June 2, 2026

European governments are finally being forced to condemn Israel as its crimes have become impossible to ignore. But they are scapegoating National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir rather than confronting the system he represents.

By Qassam Muaddi, mondoweiss, May 30, 2026

Gathering in support of Israel in front of the European Parliament in Brussels in the wake of the October 7 attacks, October 11, 2023. Gathering in support of Israel in front of theAC European Parliament in Brussels in the wake of the October 7 attacks, October 11, 2023. (Photo: European Parliament Flickr Account. Creative Commons License CC-BY-4.0: © European Union 2023 – Source: EP)

The brutal treatment of activists aboard the Global Sumud Flotilla for Gaza by Israeli forces during their detention in international waters last week triggered a wave of international condemnation, including from many European and other Western countries.

Italy, France, the Netherlands, Belgium, Spain, Poland, and Greece summoned Israeli ambassadors or envoys to condemn the treatment of activists detained during the interception of the Global Sumud Flotilla. The UK said it was “appalled” by the images of the activists’ detentions. These reactions, however, centered around one figure: Israel’s National Security Minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir, who had posted a video of himself overseeing and encouraging the mistreatment of the activists.

The focus on Ben-Gvir was so singular that France’s foreign minister, Jean-Noël Barrot, included in his condemnation post on X a claim that other Israeli officials had rejected Ben-Gvir’s actions.

That much is true: across the Israeli political spectrum, Ben-Gvir became the convenient scapegoat to draw attention away from the entirety of Israeli politics, which differs very little from Ben-Gvir when it comes to the treatment of Palestinians. But the outrage in Israel wasn’t at the treatment itself, but rather the fact that Ben-Gvir revealed it to the world, causing an international embarrassment. The difference is that Ben-Gvir doesn’t care about the PR problem he’s created, while other Israeli officials do.

So do European politicians. That is why EU governments, in being forced to condemn Israeli conduct, have taken great pains to direct their opprobrium at a specific part of the Israeli system, rather than the system itself. They have repeatedly deployed this tactic in recent weeks, which appears to have become a common doctrine for responding to Israeli violations when they become impossible to ignore.

Two weeks ago, the European Union greenlit the sanctioning of Israeli groups and individuals implicated in settler violence against Palestinians in the West Bank. The decision, which followed years of failed attempts, sanctioned only five groups and four individuals, despite the fact that the settler movement in the West Bank, including its most violent factions, is part of official state policy, openly sponsored by ministers with public budgets.

Another example is when several European countries issued a joint statement last week condemning the ongoing expansion of Israeli settlements in the West Bank. The statement, signed by France, the UK, Italy, Germany, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Norway, and the Netherlands, characterized settlement expansion as “illegal” and called on Israel to halt it. It then added that the signatories “opposed” those who call for the annexation of the West Bank, including members of the Israeli government. The statement stressed the signatories’ commitment to the two-state solution.

The statement made no mention of the fact that in the past two years, the Israeli Knesset passed two bills with an overwhelming majority, one in 2024 rejecting a Palestinian state, and one in 2025 allowing the government to annex the West Bank.

A new-old pattern

This increasingly repeated pattern of individualizing Israeli policies when condemning them contrasts with the older pattern of either ignoring Israeli practices or outright justifying them as “self-defense.” But is this a new paradigm in Western politics, and will it lead to a larger change of policy toward Israel?

According to Roula Shadid, co-director of the Palestinian Institute for Public Diplomacy (PIPD), “part of the change in Western discourse towards Israel is the global mobilization in solidarity with Palestinians since October 2023.” Shadid points to a gap between the official discourse of Western governments and the awareness expressed by solidarity movements, noting that “when we talk with diplomats and political actors, they admit that Israeli policies are more structural than they admit publicly, but they have political reasons to maintain their criticism of Israel under a certain ceiling.”

For Shadid, the fragmenting of Israeli policies, pinning them on individual ministers or settler actors, is a reflection of how Israel has fragmented Palestinian reality on the ground. “Israel has imposed a different set of conditions for Palestinians in Gaza from those in Jerusalem or in the West Bank, and Palestinian leadership is also fragmented, which makes room for Western actors to treat different issues separately,” Shadid told Mondoweiss, adding that this forecloses any treatment of Israeli policies as one coherent whole.

In Europe, particularly, governments have for many years invested in the political paradigm created by the Middle East peace process, according to Shadid. “Countries invested politically and financially in the two-state solution project, which in essence is the administration of occupation, and this makes them insist on clinging to the narrative that there is a peace process underway that needs to be saved from a few extremists,” she explained.

Shadid considers that limited condemnations of parts of the Israeli system give Western countries “the ability to continue business as usual with Israel, while containing the increasing demands and legal obligations to dissociate from violations of Palestinian rights.” She also thinks this policy is short-lived.

“Western governments might hope this moment passes, and then recycle their image and go back to business as usual,” she said. “There will be obstacles, because Israel will increase its aggression, its regional wars will continue to expose its colonial project further, and awareness will continue to rise globally about this reality, and so will pressure coming from citizens.”

How Iran’s strength bolsters Gaza’s resistance

May 16, 2026

Ali Abunimah Rights and Accountability 11 May 2026

https://www.youtube.com/embed/UoyDOx5KOWM?feature=oembed& When representatives of Palestinian resistance factions arrived in Cairo in mid-March for talks with Egyptian and Qatari mediators, they were not told in advance that Nickolay Mladenov would be waiting for them.

Mladenov is no neutral broker. The former UN official now serves as director-general of US President Donald Trump’s so-called Board of Peace and its “High Representative for Gaza.”

According to Muhammad Shehada, Mladenov did not come to mediate. He came to deliver an ultimatum on behalf of Israel and the United States: Accept full unconditional disarmament or face a renewed Israeli onslaught.

On The Electronic Intifada Livestream on 7 May, Shehada said Palestinian factions saw Mladenov as “an emissary or an envoy of Benjamin Netanyahu,” the Israeli prime minister.

Citing accounts from participants, Shehada said Mladenov was “extremely condescending,” issuing a threat “that if you don’t accept my proposal, immediately, unconditionally, Israel would get a free hand in Gaza and would resume its military operations.”

A Palestinian writer and researcher from Gaza, Shehada is a visiting fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations.

You can watch his full conversation with co-hosts Ali Abunimah and Nora Barrows-Friedman in the video above.

From the UN to the Israel lobby

Mladenov’s bias is hardly hidden. After leaving his post as UN special coordinator for the “peace process” in 2021, he immediately joined the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, an offshoot of the Israel lobby group AIPAC.

His conduct in Cairo exposed what this whole process has really been about: forcing and formalizing Palestinian surrender.

In October, Israel agreed on paper to a ceasefire framework. The Palestinian resistance would ensure the return from Gaza of all living and dead Israeli prisoners of war and captives.

Israel, in turn, was supposed to stop its genocidal attack on Gaza, halt “all military operations,” pull back its forces, allow at least 600 aid trucks a day into the territory, permit 200,000 tents and 60,000 temporary homes, open the Rafah crossing and allow both an International Stabilization Force and the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza – a Palestinian-run body meant to begin civilian governance – to enter the territory.

From there, negotiations on a second phase were supposed to begin.

Man in suit speaks from a podium
Nickolay Mladenov at the launch of the Board of Peace at the World Economic Forum in January 2026. The former UN official, now acting as Board of Peace “high representative,” is seen by Palestinians as a messenger for Israel. (Photo by World Economic Forum/Benedikt von Loebell via Flickr, licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 4.0)

All this was set out in Trump’s so-called peace plan for Gaza, endorsed by the UN Security Council in November – in the face of united opposition from Palestinians who viewed the resolution as capitulating to Tel Aviv and Washington and violating fundamental principles of international law.

The Palestinian resistance nevertheless kept its side of the deal. Israel, to no one’s surprise, violated virtually all of its commitments, while the supposed mediators, especially the United States, did nothing.

As Shehada explained on the Livestream, the only item ever fulfilled was the release of Israeli captives.

Since then, Israel has continued killing Palestinians, choking off aid, blocking temporary shelters and preventing the Palestinian-run administrative committee from even entering the territory.

Yet Washington, the other so-called mediators and much of the media shifted the focus away from Israel’s violations and ongoing crimes and back onto the old colonial demand that Palestinians surrender all means to resist and defend themselves.

Palestinian factions rejected the ultimatum, infuriating Mladenov.

“Israel never fulfilled phase one of the Trump deal. How are you asking us to move to phase two when the first phase was never fulfilled?” Shehada said, summarizing the position Palestinian resistance representatives put to Mladenov.

Terms of surrender

In a recent +972 Magazine article, Shehada reports on two Arabic-language documents laying out Mladenov’s demands.

Mladenov set out a 250-day timeline ending with Palestinians handing over even personal weapons and, “only once an investigative committee verifies that Gaza is completely free of any weapons whatsoever – a very elusive process – would Israel make a limited and ‘gradual’ withdrawal over an undefined period of time to the ‘Red Line’ that would still leave it in control of about 38 percent of Gaza.”

“Rubble removal and reconstruction under Mladenov’s proposal would only begin on day 251,” Shehada adds.

The documents – reviewed by The Electronic Intifada – strip Hamas and the other factions of any governing role. They place Gaza under external control, similar to the colonial Mandate under which Britain ruled Palestine after World War I.

Israel would remain in control of Gaza deep into the process, with the final stage still preserving an indefinite Israeli “security perimeter” inside the territory.

The point is plain enough. Israel and the US want to keep using hunger, destruction, despair and blackmail to impose what Israel’s army – despite more than two years of genocide and devastation – could not impose by force.

Shehada summarized the logic clearly on Livestream. Mladenov, he said, demanded that Palestinians “become absolutely defenseless, weaponless,” and trust their lives to an occupier and its backers who have never stopped killing them.

What then is the endgame? According to Shehada, Mladenov’s proposals aim “to completely rewrite the Trump plan to [Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin] Netanyahu’s satisfaction,” in order to render it unworkable and “give Israel an absolute free hand to do whatever it wants.”

While humanitarian relief and recovery were supposed to begin immediately in phase one, Mladenov is holding the civilian population’s most basic rights and their very survival hostage to total surrender by the resistance.

He is, according to Shehada, seeking the “destruction of everything that they [Palestinians] have that might be used as either defensive weaponry or as basic leverage in any future negotiations.”

Decommissioning vs. disarmament

Trump’s plan does not even mention disarmament. Instead it calls for “placing weapons permanently beyond use through an agreed process of decommissioning.”

That language comes directly from the Northern Ireland peace process. In practice, decommissioning meant armed groups did not immediately give up their weapons, but placed them out of sight and out of use so long as the political process advanced and Britain took reciprocal steps to withdraw its forces and dismantle its repressive apparatus in the north of Ireland.

The weapons remained an insurance card if commitments were violated. Indeed, the Irish Republican Army slowed, and at crisis points suspended, its participation in decommissioning to pressure the British government to fulfill its promises.

“Hamas was saying that we can do this,” according to Shehada. “Lock all the weapons up in depots for the next five years, 10 years, 15 years, 20 years, and then you need an agreement to end the Palestinian question, to end Israel’s apartheid.”

Actual disarmament – the final destruction of resistance weapons – would therefore be the result of a political settlement and a reciprocal process, not a precondition imposed only on one side.

As flawed and Israel-biased as it was, Shehada acknowledged that by adopting the concept of decommissioning, the Trump framework “was premised on the idea that you don’t have to surrender, you don’t have to capitulate.”

According to Shehada, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Ireland and the United Kingdom support decommissioning as a mechanism for Gaza.

Netanyahu and Mladenov replaced that with demands for outright disarmament – meaning, as Shehada put it, “surrender everything you have. You have absolutely no leverage whatsoever.”

But the comparison has limits.

Northern Ireland involved a political process that at least formally recognized the rights and aspirations of all participants and established a path towards a united Ireland, the core objective of the Irish anti-colonial struggle.

With Palestine, even states backing decommissioning still start from the colonial premise that Palestinian resistance is the problem, not Zionist colonization, apartheid, siege and genocide.

Iran changes the power balance

This is why the regional dimension matters. The demand that the Palestinian – and for that matter Lebanese – resistance surrender rests on the assumption that the US and Israel still dominate the region so completely that they can dictate terms and everybody else must obey.

But the US-Israeli war of aggression against Iran, and Hizballah’s formidable resistance in Lebanon, have exposed real limits to that power.

Iran has not only withstood a full-scale joint assault by the world’s and the region’s strongest and most genocidal military forces, it has arguably emerged stronger.

Shehada said Trump’s Board of Peace “began to unravel” once the US and Israel attacked Iran.

He noted that Indonesia suspended its participation and said Gaza’s factions drew a blunt lesson from the regional confrontation: “If you stand your ground, if you hit back, you strike back, you maintain steadfastness, you will get your way.”

“That lesson was immediately caught by people in Gaza,” Shehada said. It made the resistance factions “even more uncompromising on accepting the Mladenov proposal.”

Despite the catastrophic humanitarian situation Israel deliberately maintains, Washington and Tel Aviv have not secured the regional omnipotence they claim.

The existence of Palestinian weapons is not the root problem, but the consequence of the root problem: Zionist occupation, land theft, apartheid and genocide, sustained by US imperial power.

This basic truth cannot be wished away.

Any plan that begins by demanding Palestinian submission while leaving Israeli colonial power intact is a fraud.

Palestine, especially Gaza, does not need more such scams dressed up as “peace.” Its people need liberation and the restoration of all their rights.

The durable Western support for Israel even as it has perpetrated genocide since 7 October 2023 underscores that liberation will not be a gift from the likes of Mladenov, nor a reward for what Israel’s arms suppliers and financiers consider Palestinian good behavior.

As in every anti-colonial struggle, liberation will be won by Palestinians through their own efforts and sacrifices – and through the broader regional struggle to end the US imperial domination without which the Zionist colony in Palestine would disintegrate.

‘Death to Arabs’: Settler mobs storm Jerusalem’s Muslim, Christian quarters for ‘Flag March’

May 15, 2026

Israelis organize the Jewish supremacist march each year to celebrate the conquest of Jerusalem in 1967

News Desk, The Cradle, MAY 14, 2026

(Photo credit: Chaim Goldberg/Flash90)

Tens of thousands of Jewish settlers descended on occupied Jerusalem on 14 May to celebrate the so-called ‘Flag March,’ beating Palestinian residents in the Muslim Quarter of the city, damaging storefronts, and shouting anti-Arab slogans.

The event, also known as the Flag Dance, commemorates the Israeli conquest of East Jerusalem during the Six-Day War in 1967.

Even before the parade began, Zionist youths pushed and cursed Palestinian residents and activists from “Standing Together,” an Israeli-Palestinian group established to protect Palestinians during the parade.

“When we put our bodies on the line, it oftentimes reduces the violence because settlers are less willing to attack when there are Jews there or when we document what’s going on,” stated Ori Shaham, the group’s international spokesperson.

The parade has long been marked by violence, extreme racism, and hate songs directed against the Palestinian residents of the Old City.

On Wednesday, the Knesset’s Aliyah, Absorption, and Diaspora Committee held a discussion on the violence directed against Christians during the annual parade.

The committee’s chairman, MK Gilad Kariv, stated that “there is nothing more ugly and offensive to the status of Jerusalem than the ugly behavior on the sidelines of the Flag Parade.”

“Every year we know what will happen … Muslim and Christian residents will close their shops, close their homes and schools, and lock themselves in their homes so as not to be exposed to violence? Is this the way of Judaism and the Torah of Israel?”

Last month, Haaretz reported that the Authority for Jewish National Identity in the Prime Minister’s Office provided nearly $200,000 in funding to organize the parade.

The remainder of the $400,000 budget was provided by the Foundation for the Renewal of Communities in Israel, an umbrella organization for several Torah groups.

National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir used the Flag Day march to make a provocative raid on the Temple Mount, home to the Al-Aqsa Mosque, the third-holiest site in Islam.

Craig Murray: Zionism Poisons UK’s Central Nervous System

May 14, 2026

Consortium News, Volume 31, Number 131 — Thursday, May 14, 2026

Not questioning Zionism has long been the entry ticket to the British political and media Establishment, but although public belief in the Zionist narrative is fatally damaged, prosecutions of pro-Palestinian activists continue.

Demonstration protesting Gaza genocide in Edinburgh outside the Scottish first minister’s office, July 19, 2025. (Photo from author’s website)

By Craig Murray
CraigMurray.org.uk

Unquestioning Zionism has for decades been the entry ticket to the British political and media Establishment.

Anybody who was not a fully certified and compliant Zionist would find their career limited – as Jeremy Corbyn, Alan Duncan, Robin Cook and David Mellor all found. Most others, of course, were never allowed to progress that far.

In the media there are any number of examples — Antoinette Lattouf, Emily Wilder, Katie Halper, Gabriele Nunziante and Sangita Myska — just from the top of my head. Lack of enthusiasm for Israel is career-destroying.

One consequence is that now, as the U.K. political system retches to try and vomit up a new prime minister, every single one of the contenders — Andy Burnham, Angela Rayner, Ed Miliband and Wes Streeting — has a long history of nailed-on, certified Zionism and relationship with both Israel and Labour Friends of Israel, and is a long-term recipient of Zionist lobby cash.

The media have spent the last several days since the local elections studiously ignoring the fact that support for genocide is a key factor in alienating the Labour Party’s traditional voting base — or when they do mention it, relating it only to Muslim voters. One thing we know for certain is that any probable new prime minister is not going to change Britain’s support for the genocidal zionist entity.

Zionism has long poisoned the central nervous system of the U.K. body politic.

For many years, due to its media control, this system worked seamlessly.

The media portrayed a benign image of Israel as a bastion of liberal democratic values under siege from corrupt and barbaric Arab peoples.

The genocide of Palestinians, which has been in progress almost 80 years, proceeded at a pace and by methods which rigorous media control made it possible to convince Western audiences was not really happening at all.

When a kickback against genocide came on Oct. 7, 2023, media gatekeeping made the declaration of condemnation of Hamas a ritual which had to be observed to ensure purity before you were permitted to express anything else at all.

The media united around false atrocity stories of the events of Oct. 7. Then they united around false Israeli narratives in which every Gazan hospital, clinic, school, public utility and eventually home was a secret Hamas missile base.

Zionist Narrative Fatally Damaged

At this point, something broke. There was a spectacular burst in public opinion. From being a lulling, soothing narrative of European civilisational superiority, the Zionist propaganda was revealed as obvious lies in the service of the very worst atrocities man could do to man (and child).

The media covered up the horrors and the Israeli government raced to stem the flow of images out of Gaza by murdering every journalist there, but public belief in the zionist narrative was fatally damaged.

The result of that was Western Zionist governments became scared of their own populations. In virtually every Western state, extreme authoritarian measures were adopted to limit free speech and punish pro-Palestinian protest.

This was followed by attempts to reinforce the exclusion from public life of non-Zionists by a new wave of accusations of anti-Semitism, reinforced by waves of false flag or agent provocateur organised “anti-Semitic incidents.”

Incidentally the Hasbara invented “Harakat Ashab al-Yamin al-Islamiyya” so-called terrorist group – actually an Israeli-operated Telegram account – was first “revealed” to the Western public by Joe Truzman of Israeli Washington-front organisation the Foundation for Defending Democracy (F.D.D.).

Nick Stewart of the F.D.D. has subsequently been added to the Witkoff-Kushner negotiating team with Iran and flew to Islamabad with them.

The Iranians have entirely sensibly refused to engage with this group as simply representing Israel.

That is where we are now, with extraordinary developments like the effort to jail and debar Rajiv Menon KC for contempt of court for what I had called the greatest legal speech I ever read, and the charging of thousands of peaceful citizens under terrorism laws for supporting Palestine Action.

[On Tuesday, human rights barrister Menon won his appeal against contempt of court proceedings leveled at him for a closing speech in the trial of Palestine Action activists.

On the same day, however, news outlets reported that a “terrorism connection” was added to the case, which the jury did not know about and which means four of the anti-genocide defendants found guilty in a retrial can be sentenced as terrorists.]

Those are but horrible symptoms of a wider malaise — and the fundamental shift is that the majority of the population, and above all of younger people, now realise that they are governed by a political and media class which acts in service of a Zionist project which is truly evil.

The billionaire class was already allied with the far right. As the appalling fall in living standards of ordinary people since the 2008 banking crisis has been caused by the massive and artificially wrought concentration of wealth which followed, the efforts to divert attention from the hoarders of wealth instead to scapegoat immigrants have entailed massive financial and corporate media backing for racist politicians.

Racism & Zionism Ally

This now syncs neatly with their need for support for Zionism. Zionism has found support through an easy alliance with the rampant Islamophobia that underpins much of the anti-migrant sentiment in the U.K. and rest of the Western world.

Israel’s core support now does not feel the need to hide the fact that Israel was always a deeply racist project.

Israel’s core supporters now glory in racist genocide, as the Tommy Robinson march this weekend will demonstrate and as the Israeli flags at Reform rallies show. 

On last week’s election coverage on all U.K. television channels, every single time a Green representative came on they were immediately pushed to criticise Zack Polanski’s comments on the Golders Green incident — where a certified lunatic stabbed two Jewish men after stabbing a Muslim man.

I was sad — and somewhat shocked — to hear every single Green Party representative head immediately for the Jeremy Corbyn tactic of abject apology and condemnation of “anti-Semitism.”

Only Jenny Jones then pushed back against the conflation of criticism of Israel with anti-Semitism.

Jenny Jones, The Baroness Jones of Moulsecoomb, member of the House of Lords. (Official Portrait, Wikipedia)

The exclusion of non-Zionists is still in force within the political and media class. It will remain in force until we change the political and media class.

Personally, the disconnect between the revulsion of the large majority of people of the Western world at the genocide in Gaza, and the people’s complete lack of political power to stop their uni-party political leaderships from supporting genocide, has fundamentally changed my view of politics.

I now fully accept that the change the Western world needs is revolutionary, not incremental.

The problem is those of the exploited classes who have reached breaking point, have so far been easily diverted down the track of racism and away from their true enemies. I fear that is a tactic not likely to fail soon.

We continue to fight with what weapons we have to hand. On May 27 at the Court of Session in Edinburgh we will continue our legal battle against the proscription of Palestine Action.

The May 27 hearing will be on our motion to suspend the proscription in Scotland pending the Scottish judicial review. Decent, caring people are still being dragged through the Scottish courts on potentially life-changing terrorism charges merely for expressing their support for Palestine Action’s attempts to stop genocide.

Many have been dragged to court again and again as their cases are continually put off, while the legal establishment havers over the proscription.

The Crown Office refuses to drop prosecutions and Police Scotland refuses to say it will not arrest people. Nobody has any certainty as to whether the law is being enforced or not.

Arrests and prosecutions appear entirely at executive whim – the very definition of arbitrary government. We seek to end this uncertainty.

The U.K. government is bringing a counter motion to sist (suspend) the judicial review pending the conclusion of the English proceedings — a straight Unionist argument that these things should be decided in London for the whole of the U.K.

I do hope you will come to the court in Edinburgh on May 27, both to witness the proceedings and to demonstrate outside and show that public revulsion at genocide is not going away, and is only increased by Israel’s illegal attacks on Iran and Lebanon.

I am afraid these proceedings are horribly expensive to keep the legal battle going. Again, please contribute if you can, but do not contribute if it causes you difficulty. If you know people who are able to afford to help and likely to be sympathetic, please do contact them and ask their assistance. We are trying to keep a lot of very good people out of prison.

You can donate here via Crowd Justice, which goes straight to the lawyers, or through CraigMurray.org.uk.

Craig Murray is an author, broadcaster and human rights activist. He was British ambassador to Uzbekistan from August 2002 to October 2004 and rector of the University of Dundee from 2007 to 2010. His coverage is entirely dependent on reader support. Subscriptions to keep this blog going are gratefully received.

Subscriptions to keep Craig Murray’s blog going are gratefully received. Because some people wish an alternative to PayPal, Murray has set up new methods of payment including a GoFundMe appeal and a Patreon account.

This article is from CraigMurray.org.uk.

Views expressed in this article may or may not reflect those of Consortium News.

Tags: Anti-Semitism Craig Murray Gaza Genocide Green Party Iran Israel Jenny Jones Palestine Action’ Tommy Robinson Zionism

Germany’s ‘constructive dialogue’ is a sham, a cloak used to shield its support of a genocidal regime

May 11, 2026

Jurgen Mackert

Published date: 9 May 2026 10:11 BST | Last update:1 day 23 hours ago

With its emphasis on weasel words, Germany has given Israel a free hand and backing for its barbaric campaigns of extermination

German Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul pictured during a flight to Tel Aviv, Israel, 10 March 2026 (Felix Zahn/AA/Israeli Foreign Office supplied)

German Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul pictured during a flight to Tel Aviv, Israel, 10 March 2026 (Felix Zahn/AA/Israeli Foreign Office supplied)

It was to be expected.

On 21 April, Germany, together with Italy, blocked a motion by Spain, Ireland, and Slovenia to suspend the EU-Israel trade agreement due to Israel’s human rights violations, its genocidal war against Gaza, and settler violence in the occupied West Bank. 

Although this step would not have changed much – if anything-  as the Zionist entity would have retained its privileged access to the European market, in another shameful, unmasking reaction, Germany’s Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul declared the three countries’ move to be “inappropriate“, saying: “We have to talk with Israel about the critical issues… that has to be done in a critical, constructive dialogue with Israel.”

“Inappropriate!”

After two and a half years of genocide in Gaza and the blockade of all aid? In light of the unprecedented brutality in the West Bank, committed by the “scum of Zionist settlers” who, with the help of Israeli occupation forces, are perpetrating a “second Nakba”? After months of slaughtering civilians in Lebanon, destroying all infrastructure just as the inhuman settler colonial fanatics of a Greater Israel did in Gaza, and bombing the Iranian population?

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Instead of finally taking action against all these repulsive massacres, Wadephul offers nothing but empty talk about Germany’s supposed historical responsibility for the Zionist mass murderers and the mantra-like repetition of a “constructive dialogue” with them being necessary.

In 19 months, this “constructive dialogue” has yielded no results for the victims of the Zionists, but as Wadephul insists on continuing it, it is high time to take a closer look at what this kind of dialogue actually entails.

Constructive dialogue

“Constructive dialogue is a form of conversation where people with different perspectives seek to understand one another – without abandoning their own beliefs – in order to live, learn, and work together. It is especially well-suited for grappling with important, complex issues that often divide people.” 

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If this is a definition provided by experts, such a dialogue between Germany and Israel is completely unnecessary.

When it comes to genocide, settler violence, the decades-long ongoing Nakba, the destruction of southern Lebanon and the bombing of Lebanese and Iranian residential neighbourhoods, Berlin and the Zionists do not have a single “different perspective” that needs to be clarified. They “understand each other”; they do not even have to “abandon their own beliefs”,  and none of these crimes would “divide” them.

We learn even more: “At its core, constructive dialogue prioritises mutual understanding: the shared effort to understand others’ views while knowing that others are making the same effort toward yours. Through this process, participants may enrich their own perspectives, clarify differences, uncover common ground, or even create opportunities for future collaboration that once seemed out of reach.” 

This helps us understand why such a dialogue is actually pointless. 

In light of all the crimes against humanity that the Zionists continue to commit, there already exists “mutual understanding” between them and Germany. And it goes without saying that for German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, whatever his best friends have announced to do, have done and continue to do in Gaza and beyond is anything but a genocide.

In a “constructive dialogue”, Berlin and the Zionist entity cannot “enrich” their perspectives or “clarify differences”, since they are in complete agreement on everything the Zionists do.

They cannot “uncover common ground”, for they are brothers in arms and allies in genocide. And they cannot even “create opportunities for future cooperation” because, as much as the murderous genocide project of the Palestinian people is a joint one, so was the following annihilation of the Lebanese and Iranians. None of them has ever “seemed out of reach”.  

Throwing smoke bombs

Wadephul, who came under pressure from the three EU member states, responded by resorting to a tried-and-true tactic that is nothing more than a large-scale deception, as another look into what “constructive dialogue” does not mean. 

“Constructive dialogue is not about persuading others or winning an argument, and it is not about proving the other side wrong. While these may be reasonable goals for other forms of conversation, these are not the aims of constructive dialogue.” 

And that is why Germany wants to continue the “constructive dialogue”. By definition, it rules out everything that actually needs to be done.

This hypocritical “constructive dialogue” is intended to prevent the German foreign minister from doing what he actually ought to do: convincing the Zionists to stop their heinous crimes and putting pressure on them. He would have to do everything in his power to stand up to the killing machine known as Israel, to save the lives of those it slaughters. 

Actions rather than empty words would simply be the duty – and indeed, the historical responsibility – of a German foreign minister. How constructive would that be? It would directly serve the cause of life, not Zionist necropolitics. 

Yet can one imagine a German foreign minister not only delivering empty “constructive” talk without consequences? Who would even dare to impose sanctions on the Zionist regime that commits an almost infinite list of barbaric crimes on a daily basis?

‘Israel First’

Certainly not, but there is much to be learned from Wadephul’s call for a “constructive dialogue”.

To call for such a “constructive dialogue” now – after Germany has unreservedly supported and encouraged the genocide for two and a half years, as well as the ongoing wars of aggression against Lebanon, Syria, and Iran – is in fact putting “Israel First”. 

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Another “constructive dialogue” will lead nowhere, because it is not meant to and must not lead anywhere. Nothing is supposed to change. The eradication of the Palestinian and other Arab peoples is to continue. It is an expression of the barely concealed contempt, rooted in white supremacy, that both Germany and the Zionists harbour towards Arab and Persian civilisation.

Germany, on the other hand, honours Zionism’s contribution to western civilisation, which essentially amounts to developing some of the most advanced military technologies and the most sophisticated surveillance technologies for the purpose of killing and controlling people. Both are expressions of the Zionist cult of death, which Germany supports and seeks to profit from. 

“Israel First” – that is a very German doctrine and has been for decades.

Today, we see the consequences: while the German government, even in the face of genocide, attempts to appease and deceive its own people and the world by calling for a “creative dialogue”, it is simultaneously paving the way for the messianic-Zionist horsemen of the Apocalypse.

Deliberately killing and mutilating children, women and men, erasing whole families, massacring journalists, aid workers, and medics, destroying hospitals, schools, villages, residential complexes and entire neighbourhoods – this is what “the most degenerate military in the world” is doing with the help of Germany.

The “constructive dialogue” that Wadephul suggests is nothing more than another coffee-table chat in which Germany, in a thoroughly constructive manner, assures the Zionists of a free hand and support for the continuation of their barbaric campaigns of extermination. 

As there will never be any consequences, such talks, to borrow Wadephul’s phrase, are utterly “inappropriate”. 

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.

Jurgen Mackert is Professor of Sociology at the University of Potsdam, Germany. He was a temporary Professor for the Structure of modern societies at the University of Erfurt, Germany and a visiting professor for Political Sociology at Humboldt University Berlin. His latest books include On Social Closure. Theorizing Exclusion, Exploitation, and Elimination (Oxford University Press 2024). Siedlerkolonialismus. Grundlagentexte und aktuelle Analysen (edited with Ilan Pappe; Nomos 2024).

Israel killing Palestinians ‘like we haven’t since 1967’, top commander says

May 7, 2026

West Bank commander boasts about high death toll and defends looser rules of engagement, including firing at unarmed Palestinians

An Israeli soldier stands on guard during an army raid at a cafe in the Rafidia neighbourhood of Nablus in the occupied West Bank on 23 April 2026 (Nasser Ishtayeh / SOPA Images via Reuters)

An Israeli soldier stands on guard during an army raid at a cafe in the Rafidia neighbourhood of Nablus in the occupied West Bank on 23 April 2026 (Nasser Ishtayeh / SOPA Images via Reuters)

By Nadav Rapaport in Tel Aviv, Israel

Published date: 4 May 2026 14:13 BST | Last update:2 days 20 hours ago

Israel’s top commander in the occupied West Bank has said the army is killing Palestinians at levels “not seen since 1967”, according to Haaretz.

Avi Bluth, head of the Israeli army’s Central Command, made the remarks in a closed forum, where he also defended looser rules of engagement allowing troops to fire at unarmed Palestinians.

He acknowledged a discriminatory approach whereby Jewish Israeli stone-throwers are not targeted while Palestinians carrying out similar acts are fired at. 

“In three years, we have killed 1,500 terrorists,” he said, referring to Palestinians. 

“So how is there no intifada? Why aren’t they taking to the streets? Why is the Palestinian public indifferent? Why are there no disturbances?” Bluth, a settler who has been the Israeli army commander in the West Bank since 2024, added. 

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“The Arabs understand that ‘if someone rises to kill you, kill him first’ is part of the rules of the Middle East, and therefore we are killing like we have not killed since 1967.”

According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (Ocha), since 7 October 2023, Israel has killed 1,081 Palestinians in the West Bank and the occupied East Jerusalem, including at least 235 children.

Bluth attributed the high number of Palestinian deaths to orders he gave, which made it easier for Israeli soldiers to open fire at civilians.

He said troops are permitted to shoot, from the knee down, at Palestinians attempting to cross the West Bank separation barrier.

“Today, there are many ‘limping memorials’ in Palestinian villages of those who tried to infiltrate and got hit, so there is a price that is paid,” Bluth said, according to Haaretz.

Preferential treatment for settlers 

Bluth admitted that his subordinates do not shoot Israelis who throw stones at army forces because of “sociological implications,” while they kill Palestinians who do the same.

He added that in 2025, Israeli forces killed 42 Palestinians accused of stone-throwing, which he described as terrorism.

When shown footage of settlers throwing stones at troops, he cited an incident in which two masked Israelis were shot, noting it caused a public outcry.

Bluth’s remarks come amid growing discontent about his actions among hilltop youth, the settler militias who terrorise Palestinians communities in the West Bank, who view him as yielding to left-wing and international pressure. 

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Last week, Haaretz reported that Bluth labelled the growing numbers of settler attacks as “terror,” and criticised hilltop youth who establish outposts without coordinating it first with the army’s command.

Bluth added that the army, with the coordination of the settlers, established some 150 outposts in Area C in the West Bank in recent years, which he alleged helped prevent Palestinian “terror” and building expansion.

Last week, Knesset Member Limor Son Har-Melech, a vocal supporter of the settler militias, called Israel Defence Minister Israel Katz to immediately fire Bluth from his post over his remarks.

Meanwhile, the Israeli NGO Peace Now reported on Sunday that the Israeli government assigned some 130 million shekels to those same settler groups under the guise of curbing settler violence.

The funds were allocated towards “reducing risk situations and expanding positive responses for youth in the Judea and Samaria area,” using the Israeli name for the West Bank. 

Peace Now said the funds will, in practice, be used to strengthen the settlements and “channel millions” to their regional councils. 

“The government uses every excuse to justify pouring more and more millions into settlements. This is a programme to expand settlements under the guise of combating violence,” Peace Now statement said.

“The government is directing a significant portion of the funds to the same actors and activities that currently serve as the main supporters of the outposts and farms from which the violence originates,” the NGO added, calling on the government to stop the funds and the army and police to stop the violent acts.

Far Right Israeli Settler Movement Enters Syria in a Push for “Greater Israel”

April 29, 2026

The settlers are increasingly crossing the border into Syria, with at least tacit support from the Israeli military.

By Theia Chatelle , Truthout Published April 28, 2026

Israeli army soldiers add zip ties to the mast of an Israeli flag flying at a special area for exercises during a military drill in the Israeli-annexed Golan Heights on July 8, 2025.
Israeli army soldiers add zip ties to the mast of an Israeli flag flying at a special area for exercises during a military drill in the Israeli-annexed Golan Heights on July 8, 2025.

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Syrian journalist Oudai Efnikher is deeply familiar with life under Israeli occupation. He was born in Kafer Hareb, a village in Syria’s Golan Heights, from which he and his family were expelled after Israel seized the territory during the 1967 Six-Day War.

Now he is once again facing down Israeli forces, as they “take our land, kill our crops, and abduct our fathers.”

“This is a slow occupation, but soon, we will lose what they have not yet taken,” Efnikher told Truthout.

After Bashar al-Assad was ousted by Syrian rebels in December 2024, Israeli forces wasted no time before launching a massive aerial bombardment campaign on the country, destroying almost 80 percent of the military capacity left behind by the Assad regime.

Israeli forces also entered the demilitarized buffer zone established by a UN Security Council resolution in 1974 between the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights and the rest of Syria. They seized the territory and then established a “security buffer” beyond the last demarcation line administered by UN observer forces.

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“Price Tag” Attacks Part of Effort to Expand Israeli Settlements in West Bank

200 masked settlers descended on the West Bank on March 22, throwing Molotov cocktails and terrorizing Palestinians. By Theia Chatelle , Truthout

March 28, 2026

The area now under Israeli military control is off-limits to Syrian civilians and government forces. Farmers have been unable to tend to their land, and landowners have little hope they will ever be able to access it again

In total, Israel now occupies an additional 177 square miles of Syrian territory than it did before the fall of Assad.

“Maybe Israel will take it all. They already have a safe zone in southern Syria, so that could ultimately be the best option for Israel,” Syrian political analyst Issam Khoury told Truthout.

But what is most concerning for Efnikher is not the Israeli military’s presence in Syria, but what has become regular incursions by Israeli settlers.

On April 22, a group of roughly 40 settlers affiliated with the far right Halutzei HaBashan movement, or the Pioneers of Bashan — a reference to the name in the Torah for the fertile territory located northeast of the Sea of Galilee, which the Torah says was once ruled by the tyrant King Og before Moses defeated him — entered Syrian territory and asked the Israeli government to legalize settlement activity there.

According to Efnikher, who has been working to monitor Israeli settlement activity in Syrian territory since Assad’s fall in December 2024, this was the fifth such incursion by Israeli settlers into Syria.

According to Etkes, this is how the Israeli settlement movement functions: by “changing the facts on the ground” until what was once unthinkable becomes reality.

The settlers see themselves as fulfilling a biblical mandate. They consider this Syrian territory part of the ancient land of Israel. Still, the Israeli military condemned the incursion, calling it “a criminal offence that endangers civilians and IDF troops.” Dror Etkes, a longtime Israeli settlement monitor who led the advocacy group Peace Now’s Settlement Watch project and later founded Kerem Navot, an organization that tracks Israeli land seizures in the West Bank, says none of this comes as a surprise.

“Nothing is surprising anymore, not after Gaza,” he said. “Many things I didn’t think would happen have happened, so I think I should be pretty cautious when it comes to predicting what will happen in this country.”

Etkes watched settlers build their first outposts in the West Bank in the 1960s, and then, after the Second Intifada, the construction of the separation barrier. “If you had asked me 10 years ago, five years ago, two years ago, not to mention 50 years ago, whether half a million Jews would be living in the West Bank, whether we would have 350, 360, 370 outposts in the West Bank, of course nobody would have said yes,” he added.

According to Etkes, this is how the Israeli settlement movement functions: by “changing the facts on the ground” until what was once unthinkable becomes reality. And this, he says, is the goal of the settlement movement — whether it’s in Syria, Lebanon, Gaza, or the West Bank.

The Pioneers of Bashan is not the only settler organization entering closed military zones to pressure the Israeli government to legalize settlements in foreign territory.

In southern Lebanon, a group called Uri Tzafon has worked to build a movement to establish outposts in territory currently occupied by the Israeli military. The group has flown drones into Lebanese territory, urging residents to leave, and planted trees to cement a claim to the land.

It was the same in Gaza with the far right Tzav 9 movement, which on more than one occasion since October 7, 2023, attempted to enter the enclave and establish outposts.

Slowly, the borders of the Israeli imagination — much like the state’s own physical borders — are being expanded by the settlement movement.

Slowly, the borders of the Israeli imagination — much like the state’s own physical borders — are being expanded by the settlement movement. In many cases, these incursions have taken place with the implicit endorsement of the Israeli military.

According to both Etkes and Efnikher, it would have been impossible for the settlers to enter Syrian territory without at least the tacit approval of Israeli forces. There are hundreds of miles of fencing dividing the Israeli-controlled Golan from Syrian territory, reinforced by hundreds of thousands of mines.

Efnikher added that there are a number of gates in the fencing that allow the Israeli military to cross into and beyond the demilitarized buffer zone, which is how the Pioneers of Bashan were able to enter Syrian territory.

The Israeli military said in a statement after detaining and escorting the settlers back to Israeli-controlled territory that “settlement in Bashan is essential to preserve the achievements of the war.”

The push for these settlements is part of the project of Greater Israel, which seeks to expand Israel’s borders to what some settlers and religious nationalists claim were the boundaries of the ancient Israelite kingdom — a biblical vision, contested by mainstream archaeology, that imagines a realm stretching from the Euphrates to the Nile, encompassing parts of modern-day Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Iraq, and Egypt

But the expansionist drive is not only about land. It is also about water. Efnikher pointed to the Mantara Dam, the largest dam in Syria’s Quneitra Governorate. The dam controls water flow into the Yarmouk River, another critical water supply for southern Syria.

Before he was a journalist, Efnikher owned a restaurant overlooking the dam. It has been closed since Israeli forces expanded their occupation of the territory — a significant financial blow to him and his family, though he stressed that he is better off than most.

Israeli forces have destroyed thousands of dunams of farmland with pesticides in the process of building their outposts, and have established checkpoints — including aerial ones — to regulate the movement of Syrians near the buffer zone.

“There is a heavy psychological toll, falling heaviest on children and the elderly,” Efnikher said. “We’re talking about villages displaced since 1967 and families still affected across generations, now living through yet another occupation.”

He pointed to the West Bank as emblematic of what the Quneitra Governorate might soon become.

Israel has held control of the West Bank for so long that many Palestinians and Israelis in the territory, more than a third of whom are children, do not remember a time when it was free of Israeli outposts and settlements. Now, according to the UN’s High Commissioner for Human Rights, there are more than 279 illegal settlements and 700,000 settlers living in the West Bank.

“This is a model [they’re] trying to copy-paste in Syria and in Lebanon. It’s the same people, coming from the same places, from the same ideological greenhouses.”

The commitments of the settlement movement vary, but at its forefront are those who see it as their personal mission to restore Jewish sovereignty over the land they claim as Greater Israel, even if it must be paid for in blood.

“It’s been almost 58 years since this project started. And all of it started actually illegal[ly] or half-legal, started without official authorization. This is a model [they’re] trying to copy-paste in Syria and in Lebanon. It’s the same people, coming from the same places, from the same ideological greenhouses,” Etkes said.

Efnikher warned that Israeli forces are intensifying their incursions in the Quneitra region: They enter the villages, make arrests — by his tally, more than 70 Syrians from the Quneitra Governorate are currently held in Israeli prisons — set up checkpoints, and then withdraw.

But Efnikher fears it is only a matter of time before they stay. The presence of the Pioneers of Bashan is one troubling sign. “They are winning,” Efnikher said of the Israeli forces. Even for Etkes, there is little hope.

“Look at what they achieved in the last 58 years in the West Bank,” he said. “They have very good reasons to be very optimistic.”

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Theia Chatelle

Theia Chatelle

Theia Chatelle is a freelance journalist and photographer covering conflict, human rights, and displacement across the Middle East, Europe, and the United States. Based in Jerusalem, she reports on war and social movements, with a focus on human-interest storytelling and investigations into state power. Her work has appeared in The Forward, The Nation, Haaretz, and the Jewish Telegraphic Agency, among other outlets. Her photography has been published by MS NOW and USA Today, among others. Chatelle holds bachelor’s and master’s degrees in American Studies from Yale University. She was a 2025 fellow at the International Women’s Media Foundation and is an alumna of the Rory Peck Trust and the Type Media Center.

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Why do Lebanese leaders keep courting Israel?

April 19, 2026

Joseph Massad

MEE, 16 April 2026 12:11 BST

Direct talks in Washington for the first time in 30 years continue a long history of overtures that predate resistance and persist despite repeated Israeli attacks on civilians

Lebanese protesters gather in Martyrs' Square in Beirut to reject direct negotiations with Israel, expressing opposition to normalisation and diplomatic engagement, on 13 April 2026 (Abdul Kader Al Bay/ZUMA Press Wire)

Lebanese protesters gather in Martyrs’ Square in Beirut to reject direct negotiations with Israel, expressing opposition to normalisation and diplomatic engagement, on 13 April 2026 (Abdul Kader Al Bay/ZUMA Press Wire)

Since Lebanese President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam assumed office in early 2025, mere weeks after the November 2024 ceasefire between the Lebanese resistance and the genocidal state of Israel, the new leadership, under strong US and Saudi advice, moved urgently to offer friendship and full cooperation to Israel.

Not only did they fail to protest the more than 10,000 ceasefire violations that Israel committed over the 15 months leading up to the US-Israeli aggression on Iran in late February 2026 – including thousands of air strikes, drone attacks and ground incursions that killed more than 500 people, most of them civilians – but they went as far as offering, even pleading, for direct negotiations to achieve permanent peace with the Jewish settler-colony.

Rather than blaming Israel for its ongoing crimes against the Lebanese people, the two leaders blamed Hezbollah, as if Israeli attacks were a response to the resistance, when in fact the resistance has been retaliating against unceasing Israeli aggression and occupation of Lebanese land.

Such magnanimous offers were last made by the Phalangist president of Lebanon, Bashir Gemayel, who collaborated with Israeli invaders of his country in 1982, and his brother Amin, but they were scrapped afterwards due to much opposition.

The Israeli government initially rebuffed these recent overtures, which Salam repeatedly extended until it finally agreed last week. Facing pressure from the Trump administration, Israel met with Lebanese officials in Washington this week for their first direct talks in more than 30 years, even as it continues to bomb Lebanon, including the capital, Beirut, killing upwards of 2,000 people in the past six weeks alone.

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Israel has justified its multiple invasions and incursions into Lebanon since the late 1960s, which have killed tens of thousands of civilians, as efforts to defeat Palestinian resistance fighters who moved there after 1969, and who were forced to withdraw in 1982. It has since invoked the same justification to confront post-1982 Lebanese resistance to its illegal occupation of Lebanese territory, especially Hezbollah.

Yet present claims that resistance movements provoke Israeli aggression, and that Lebanese leaders must therefore normalise relations with Israel to achieve stability, obscure the historical record: Israeli relations with Lebanese political and religious figures eager to offer it friendship and cooperation date back to the 1920s, long before the settler-colony was even established, let alone the arrival of the Palestinian resistance in Lebanon or the emergence of Hezbollah.

Indeed, Aoun and Salam are part of a long chain of Lebanese politicians eager to please Israel.

Sectarian myths

In Lebanon, a common claim is that right-wing sectarian Maronite leaders only sought to befriend Israel after 1948, in response to the arrival of more than 100,000 Palestinian refugees expelled during the 1948 Zionist conquest of Palestine by Jewish colonists – the majority of them Muslim – and the resulting demographic shift.

This, however, proves to be a fabrication. Sectarian Maronite hostility towards Lebanese Muslims precedes the arrival of the Palestinians by nearly three decades.

In March 1920, Jewish Agency representative Yehoshua Hankin and Lebanese Maronite representatives signed a treaty of cooperation that also included “prominent Muslim families”, many of whom were absentee landlords who sold land in Palestine to Zionist settlers.

In March 1920, Jewish Agency representative Yehoshua Hankin and Lebanese Maronite representatives signed a treaty of cooperation that also included ‘prominent Muslim families’

Contacts between Lebanese Maronite leader Emile Edde and Zionist representatives began in the early 1930s. During this period, Edde expressed his support for establishing friendly relations with Jewish colonists and “even of a Zionist-Maronite alliance”.

Edde was elected president of Lebanon in 1936 and remained in contact with the Jewish Agency for the next two years.

Edde’s prime minister, Khayr al-Din al-Ahdab, the first Sunni Muslim to hold the position in Lebanon’s history, offered his country’s guarantees of order and security to the Jewish colonial-settlements along the Lebanese border. After leaving office and seeking to regain power, Edde resumed his contacts with the Israelis in 1948 while vacationing in France.

This was followed by the signing of the infamous political treaty between the Jewish Agency and the Maronite Patriarch Antoine Arida, on behalf of the Maronite Church, on 30 May 1946.

The treaty established guidelines for close ties between the Maronites and the Jewish colonists, based on mutual recognition of rights and nationalist aspirations, including the Jewish Agency’s recognition of Lebanon’s “Christian character” and its assurance that the Jewish colonists had no territorial ambitions in Lebanon.

In return, the Maronite Church supported Jewish immigration and the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine.

Deepening collaboration

Edde, al-Ahdab, and the Maronite Church were not the only parties in Lebanon offering love and friendship to Israel. The Phalangists were next. Israel established relations with them at the end of 1948 in the United States, through the mediation of the Maronite priest Yusuf ‘Awad, who had contacts with representatives of the US Zionist Federation.

The main Phalangist contact was Elias Rababi, who, along with other Phalangists, held several meetings with the Zionist representatives in Europe.

Rababi informed the Israelis that if the Phalangists took over the government, they would establish diplomatic relations with Israel. In exchange, he requested funding to support Phalangist political activity and procure weapons.

While the Israelis were unconvinced of the movement’s strength, the foreign ministry nevertheless paid him $2,000.

In February 1949, three envoys of the Maronite Archbishop of Beirut, Ignatius Mubarak, arrived in Israel and met with a foreign ministry official. The three claimed that Mubarak “wished to know the position of the Israeli Government on plans for a coup in Lebanon” against President Bechara Khoury due to the latter’s support of integrating Lebanon in the Arab world.

Emile Edde and Pierre Gemayel were said to be parties to the plan. The Israelis responded by welcoming any attempt on the part of Lebanon’s Christians to “liberate themselves from the yoke of pan-Arab leaders”, but requested a detailed plan of how the coup would be staged, what forces they had backing them and the level of assistance required from Israel. The plan ultimately came to naught.

But the plan to install a pro-Israel government in Lebanon through a coup was an idea Zionists had entertained since the 1920s.

In response to former prime minister David Ben-Gurion’s 1954 proposal that Israel encourage a military coup in Lebanon to establish a Christian regime allied with Israel, then prime minister Moshe Sharett dismissed it as “nonsense“, writing in his diaries that no movement was strong enough to establish an exclusively Maronite state.

Given the proposal’s unfeasibility, Moshe Dayan, who was the army chief of staff at the time, proposed in 1955 that Israel annex Lebanon south of the Litani River.

Before resistance

Just as there is a long history of Lebanese politicians offering a loving friendship to Israel, Israeli atrocities against the Lebanese people between 1948 and 1969 were also the order of the day, long before the existence of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) or Hezbollah.

During the 1948 war, even though the Lebanese army did not engage in battle with the Israelis, Zionist forces conquered southern Lebanon in what they dubbed “Operation Hiram”, occupying 15 Lebanese villages as far as the Litani River.


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Zionist commander General Mordechai Makleff asked Ben-Gurion for permission to occupy Beirut, which he said could be done in 12 hours, but the latter refused, fearing international condemnation given Lebanon’s neutrality.

During their occupation of southern Lebanon, Zionist forces committed one of the worst massacres of the 1948 war in the Lebanese village of al-Hula, where they slaughtered 85 civilians on 31 October. When the Israelis invaded it again in 2024, soldiers defaced the monument to the massacre, listing the names of those killed.

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In early 1949, Lebanese and Israeli officials began formal armistice negotiations at Ras al-Naqura, which proceeded “more smoothly” than with all other Arab states. Rather than express horror at Israeli atrocities committed against Lebanese civilians a few weeks earlier, Lebanese delegates privately informed the Israelis that they “were not really Arabs”. They also discussed the possibility of establishing diplomatic relations with Israel.

The Israelis withdrew from Lebanese territory in March 1949.

This week’s meeting in Washington DC was a repeat performance by the Lebanese ambassador to the US, who did not condemn Israel’s recent massacres of Lebanese civilians but reportedly shook hands with the Israelis in a two-hour private meeting away from the cameras.

None of this will halt continued Israeli attacks on Lebanese civilians, any more than the extra-friendly 1949 talks halted subsequent aggression.

In the 1950s and 1960s, long before the PLO guerrillas arrived in Lebanon, Israel attacked the country close to 200 times – including raids and shootings, stealing Lebanese cattle, burning crops in border villages and towns, destroying homes and property and kidnapping Lebanese civilians – resulting in at least 23 killed, 39 injured and 81 abducted.

In 1965, Israel bombed a dam under construction intended to divert the Banyas, Hasbani and Litani rivers in Lebanon and Syria, in response to Israeli theft of water belonging to Arab states, which it sought to divert to the Naqab desert in violation of international law. It destroyed the project.

Atrocities continue

Perhaps Israel’s most daring crime during this period was the machine-gunning of a Lebanese civilian plane in July 1950 by one of its air force fighters inside Lebanese airspace.

The attack on the plane, en route from East Jerusalem’s Qalandya airport to Beirut, killed two people and injured seven Jordanian passengers, including a five-year-old girl whose leg had to be amputated. Among those killed were Lebanese radio operator Antoine Wazir and Arab Jewish student Musa Fuad Dweik, whose head was blown off by one of the bullets.

In 1967, Israel occupied the Shib’a Farms, even though Lebanon was not a party to the war. It continues to occupy them today.

The following year, in December 1968, two days after two Palestinian refugees from Lebanon machine-gunned an Israeli passenger plane parked at Athens airport, killing a marine engineer, Israel bombed Beirut International Airport, destroying 13 civilian passenger planes worth almost $44m at the time, as well as hangars and other airport installations.

The Lebanese government is offering Israel extensive support to neutralise Hezbollah, including criminalising the only Lebanese resistance movement that ever liberated Lebanese territory from occupation

All these atrocities were committed before Palestinian guerrillas in Lebanon began to launch resistance operations against the settler-colony. Likewise, Lebanese politicians who offered cooperation with Israel did so long before these developments were later invoked to justify Israeli aggression.

Neither Aoun nor Salam is proposing anything new to the Israelis that previous Lebanese allies had not offered.

The Lebanese government is offering Israel extensive support to neutralise Hezbollah, including criminalising the only Lebanese resistance movement that ever liberated Lebanese territory from occupation and disseminating anti-Iranian propaganda.

Lebanese Justice Minister Adel Nassar posted on X this week the complete fabrication that Iran abandoned its condition for a comprehensive ceasefire that includes Lebanon in return for the Americans releasing its funds in western banks.

Yet despite all this help, nothing will sway Israel from committing more atrocities in Lebanon, and no one – not the Americans, the Saudis or the Israel-friendly Lebanese government – will be able to stop the Lebanese resistance from fighting back against this genocidal, predatory state.

Ultimately, Israel did not need to orchestrate a coup in Lebanon to secure a regime allied with it. The United States and Saudi Arabia did the job on its behalf and then some – as Israeli Ambassador to the US Yechiel Leiter, who participated in Israel’s 1982 invasion of Lebanon, affirmed when he emerged from this week’s talks declaring: “We are on the same side.”

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.

Joseph Massad is professor of modern Arab politics and intellectual history at Columbia University, New York. He is the author of many books and academic and journalistic articles. His books include Colonial Effects: The Making of National Identity in Jordan; Desiring Arabs; The Persistence of the Palestinian Question: Essays on Zionism and the Palestinians, and most recently Islam in Liberalism. His books and articles have been translated into a dozen languages.