Peace and Justice Post

Amnesty said its ‘conservative’ methodology meant it was likely underestimating the true extent of India’s contribution to Israel

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his Indian counterpart, Narendra Modi, attend a press conference in Jerusalem, on 26 February 2026 (Gil Cohen-Magen/AFP)

Azad Essa

Published date: 30 July 2026 00:01 BST | Last update:14 mins 57 secs ago

Indian state-owned and private companies shipped at least 2,596 consignments comprising hundreds of thousands of arms, ammunition and military components to Israel during the genocide in Gaza, a new Amnesty International report has revealed. 

The shipments, sent between 7 October 2023 and 30 November 2025, included machine-gun components, 155 mm high-explosive artillery shells supplied to Elbit Systems, explosive warheads for the SkyStriker “kamikaze” drones – similar to those discovered amid the ruins in Khan Younis – and armoured vehicle components destined for major suppliers to the Israeli military.

According to Amnesty, these amounted to 564,970 parts of explosive ordnance (drone warheads, artillery shell casings and others), 390,516 small arms parts for military-grade weapons, and 298 components of military vehicles to large Israeli companies that supplied the Israeli armed forces.

As of 29 July 2026, at least 247,387 Palestinians have been either killed or injured since Israel launched its military campaign in Gaza, following the Hamas-led attacks on southern Israel on 7 October 2023.

The report, “Made in India: The Supply of Weapons and Ammunition to Israel”, published on Thursday, said its findings were “based on a deliberately conservative methodology”, and were likely to underestimate the “true extent of India’s contribution to Israel’s military supply chain”.

Rising Indian complicity 

The report is the latest in a series alleging that India has materially supported Israel’s genocide in Gaza, following earlier allegations that New Delhi supplied combat drones, bombs and weapons components to Israel after October 2023.

In May, the Palestinian-led Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement and No Harbour for Genocide warned of a “flood” of military supplies from India to Israel. 

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“Israel has a huge domestic production, but they rely on specific components, whether it’s like high-end technology material for aerospace or bulk materials such as military steel,” a spokesperson for No Harbour for Genocide told Middle East Eye at the time. 

Likewise, an Al Jazeera investigation based on Israeli Tax Authority import data found that India was the second-largest exporter of military-related goods to Israel between October 2023 and October 2025. 

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Al Jazeera noted the data likely represented only a partial picture of total arms transfers to Israel and did not establish the end use of the shipments in Gaza.

Likewise, Amnesty’s investigators based their analysis on shipments classified under specific Harmonized System (HS) codes, the internationally used customs classification system for traded goods.

These included HS codes 9301–9307, which cover weapons, ammunition and their parts and accessories; and HS code 8710, which covers armoured and fighting vehicles and their components. 

Researchers excluded shipments labelled only with internal product or part numbers, where it was not possible to determine whether the items were military or civilian.

It also excluded hundreds of shipments of dual-use small-arms components, as well as weapons, parts and ammunition likely intended for anti-missile defence systems.

Amnesty said its deliberately conservative methodology meant its findings were likely to underestimate the true extent of India’s contribution to Israel’s military supply chain.

Nonetheless, its findings revealed there were several companies, including state-owned ventures, involved in supplying military aid to Israel.

It said it wrote to nine companies as well as the Indian state but did not receive a reply by the time of publication. 

“In light of the International Court of Justice’s provisional measures orders recognizing a plausible risk of genocide against Palestinians in Gaza, the Indian authorities cannot credibly argue that they did not know that continuing to authorize and facilitate arms transfers to Israel carries a substantial risk of contributing to serious violations of international law,” Agnes Callamard, Amnesty’s secretary general, said in a statement. 

Callamard added that while the Israeli military continued to inflict death and suffering in Gaza, “Indian companies continued to profit by supplying components and munitions destined for Israel’s defence sector.”

India-Israel defence ties

India-Israel ties have accelerated over the past decade under the leadership of Prime Ministers Narendra Modi and Benjamin Netanyahu. 

India is the world’s largest purchaser of Israeli weapons, and several Israeli arms manufacturers have established production facilities in the country through joint ventures with Indian companies.

Earlier this year, during Modi’s visit to Israel, the two countries upgraded ties to a Special Strategic Partnership for Peace, Innovation and Prosperity.

The relationship has since expanded further, with a series of new memorandums of understanding and reports of potential defence partnerships, including discussions over India manufacturing Iron Dome interceptor missiles for Israel. 

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Diplomatically, the Indian government has been one of Israel’s staunchest supporters.

New Delhi has refused to join South Africa’s case against Israel at the International Court of Justice, which alleges violations of the Genocide Convention, and has rejected calls to impose an arms embargo on Israel. 

It has also cracked down on pro-Palestine protests and activism within India.

When Indian civil society groups petitioned the Supreme Court in September 2024 to halt arms exports, the court dismissed the case, ruling that decisions on foreign policy fall within the government’s domain, not the judiciary.

External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar has also maintained that India’s arms exports are guided by the country’s “national interest”.

“The issue of India’s exports, including India’s exports of anything which directly or indirectly has any military implications, is guided by our national interest and by our commitments to various regimes,” Jaishankar said in December 2024.

“Where Israel is concerned, it is a country with which we have a strong record of cooperation in national security. It is also a country that has stood by us at different moments when our national security was under threat,” he added.

By Palestine Chronicle Staff, February 26, 2026

Modi’s Israel visit strengthens military and tech ties, offering Netanyahu political cover amid Gaza genocide and regional tensions.

Key Takeaways

Modi’s two-day visit to Israel centers on defense, technology, and economic cooperation while Gaza remains under devastating assault.
The Knesset address functioned as a high-visibility endorsement of Israel during mounting genocide allegations.
India is one of Israel’s most important defense and trade partners, with bilateral trade reaching $3.62 billion in 2025.
Palestinian solidarity voices and Indian opposition figures condemned the visit as legitimizing Netanyahu’s wartime policies.
The trip carries broader geopolitical implications, intersecting with US-Iran tensions and emerging regional corridors.

The Optics

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi arrived in Israel to a warm public embrace from Benjamin Netanyahu, a carefully choreographed display underscoring the deepening alignment between New Delhi and Tel Aviv.

According to the Associated Press, the two-day visit is focused on strengthening “security, economic and technological cooperation,” including meetings with Netanyahu and President Isaac Herzog, an address to the Knesset, and the signing of multiple agreements.

India–Israel trade reached $3.62 billion in the 2025 fiscal year, reflecting the economic dimension of the partnership.

But the optics matter as much as the agreements. Modi’s speech to Israel’s parliament comes as Israel continues its genocidal war on Gaza — a campaign that has killed and wounded hundreds of thousands of Palestinians and devastated the besieged territory’s civilian infrastructure. In this context, a standing ovation in the Knesset is not merely a diplomatic ceremony; it is political messaging.

Israel’s government, facing growing international scrutiny over war crimes allegations, benefits enormously from high-profile visits by major powers. Modi’s appearance signals that Israel remains far from isolated, even as global outrage over Gaza intensifies.
The Speech

In his Knesset address, Modi emphasized that India and Israel are “trusted partners” whose relationship is “vital” for trade and security. He condemned the October 7, 2023 attacks and declared that “nothing can justify terrorism,” aligning himself closely with Israeli framing of the conflict.

Reuters reported that Modi reaffirmed India’s solidarity with Israel and its “firm stance against terrorism,” while Netanyahu highlighted what he called a “tremendous alliance” between the two countries. The Israeli prime minister praised India for “standing by” Israel.

Modi referenced support for a UN-backed Gaza peace initiative and spoke of dialogue and stability. Yet notably absent was any strong public criticism of Israel’s genocide in Gaza.

The speech’s structure reflects a broader shift in Indian foreign policy. Historically, India was among the strongest supporters of Palestinian self-determination in the Global South. Diplomatic relations with Israel were only formalized in 1992. Since Modi’s rise to power in 2014, however, relations with Israel have moved from cautious pragmatism to overt strategic alignment.

The ‘Partnership’

Behind the rhetoric lies the substance: arms and technology.

India has become one of Israel’s largest defense customers. Cooperation spans missile systems, surveillance technologies, air defense, drones, and cybersecurity platforms. Analysts widely recognize that Israeli defense exports to India have surged over the past decade, embedding the relationship in concrete military infrastructure.

The current visit is expected to further expand collaboration in artificial intelligence, quantum computing, cybersecurity, and joint defense production. Netanyahu has openly described the relationship as part of a broader axis of innovation and security.

For Palestinians, this is not abstract cooperation. Israel’s military technologies are developed, refined, and field-tested in the context of occupation and repeated wars on Gaza. Surveillance systems, drone capabilities, and precision-guided weaponry are inseparable from the architecture of control imposed on Palestinians.

Domestic Criticism

Modi’s visit has drawn criticism both within India and internationally. The Communist Party of India described the trip as legitimizing Netanyahu during a genocidal assault on Gaza, framing it as a betrayal of India’s anti-colonial legacy.

The critique extends beyond partisan politics. For many observers, the visit symbolizes a shift from India’s historic support for decolonization movements toward a pragmatic alignment with militarized nationalism.

Regionally, the trip unfolds amid rising US-Iran tensions and discussions around new economic corridors linking India to Europe via the Middle East. Israel’s leadership sees India as a crucial node in this emerging architecture.

But this architecture often sidelines Palestine. Trade corridors, AI partnerships, and defense agreements are negotiated at high levels, while Palestinian self-determination is treated as a peripheral issue.

Our Strategic Assessment

Modi’s visit must be understood not as a standalone diplomatic event but as part of a broader geopolitical recalibration.

First, it provides Israel with visible diplomatic reinforcement at a moment when accusations of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and systematic targeting of civilians dominate international discourse. Each high-level visit chips away at narratives of isolation.

Second, it reflects India’s long-term strategic priorities: diversification of defense partnerships, technological advancement, and regional positioning in a multipolar world. Israel offers advanced military technology and intelligence cooperation that New Delhi values deeply.

Third, the visit exposes the fragility of “balanced” diplomacy. While India continues to voice theoretical support for a two-state solution, its material alignment tells another story. Arms transfers, joint ventures, and high-profile endorsements during wartime weigh more heavily than carefully crafted statements at the United Nations.

For Palestinians, the message is sobering. Major powers may condemn settlement expansion in principle, but the structural partnerships that empower Israel’s military and technological dominance remain intact.

Finally, the regional context cannot be ignored. With US-Iran tensions mounting, Israel is eager to solidify alliances beyond Washington. India’s embrace signals that Tel Aviv retains powerful friends in Asia, even as European public opinion shifts.

In this environment, Palestinian rights risk becoming bargaining chips in larger geopolitical calculations.