By Nanda Wickramesinghe |WSWS, 13 March 2009
The detention of N. Vithyatharan, the editor of the Tamil daily Sudar Oli, is another example of the police-state methods being used by the Sri Lankan government to silence any media criticism, in particular of its criminal war against the country’s Tamil minority.
Vithyatharan was seized by police at a family funeral in the Colombo suburb of Mount Lavinia on February 26. Police spokesman Ranjith Gunasekera initially refused to acknowledge any police involvement, saying that the editor had been abducted by an unidentified group in a white van.
The official denial was particularly ominous as hundreds of people have been abducted or murdered over the past three years by death squads sanctioned by the security forces. The white van is their well-known trademark.
In a matter of hours, however, police changed their tune, admitting that Vithyatharan had been arrested by the Colombo Crimes Division and was being held at its headquarters. A Defence Ministry spokesman Lakshman Hulugalle told the media that the editor was detained in connection with a February 20 air attack on Colombo by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) with two light planes.
Vithyatharan is still being held without charge under the draconian provisions of the government’s emergency powers.
James Ross, legal and policy director at the US-based Human Rights Watch, commented earlier this month: “Once again the government has arrested a Tamil journalist on allegations that border on the absurd. And if the accounts of a beating are accurate, it shows the open contempt the government has for Sri Lanka’s independent media.”
The government of President Mahinda Rajapakse has become increasingly sensitive to criticism as news of the army’s killing of Tamil civilians in fighting in the North has been covered in the international media, provoking protests in a number of countries.
Well before the LTTE’s air attack, the Colombo Criminal Division (CCD) had already grilled Vithyatharan on February 13 over two articles published in the Sudar Oli. The day before Vithyatharan’s arrest, officers from the state intelligence unit searched the Sudar Oli office at Grandpass and asked for the names and contact numbers of all the newspaper’s journalists. The newspaper’s managing director, E. Saravanapavan, refused to provide any details.
Saravanapavan, who is also Vithyatharan’s brother-in-law, told the WSWS what happened on the day of the arrest. “The abductors might have calculated that there would be only a handful of people at the funeral parlour by mid-morning. But quite a considerable number had arrived by 9.45 a.m. when the abductors crashed in. They had to face more people than they expected.
“When the three policemen in uniform started to drag Vithyatharan out through the gate of the parlour, relatives hung onto him and tried to pull him back into the building. Our people almost managed to free him after a tug-of-war. When this happened, three toughs in civvies jumped out of the vehicle in which the police arrived and came running into the parlour. They began hitting us, causing injury to a number of our relatives. Then they forcibly dragged Vithyatharan away.
“Our people raised an outcry. We noted that the number plate of the white van was HX 0640. A few of us then got into a vehicle and started to follow the van. But we could not catch up with the abductors. Finding that our complaints to the police stations in the area were of no avail, I took steps to immediately inform the international news media and diplomatic missions as well as the police headquarters and also a number of ministers,” Saravanapavan said.
As this was taking place, government spokesman L. Y. Abeywardene made a call to the media rights group, Reporters without Borders, at 11.45 a.m., saying that Vithyatharan was being held by police and was being interrogated, but his relatives would be able to visit him.
Saravanapavan explained: “After Vithyatharan was taken away, he was blindfolded and beaten severely on the feet and head, so badly that the CCD had to take him to a hospital to get his head x-rayed. His wife and children who saw him after they were notified by the police have been very disturbed by his condition.”
If the government had not been forced to acknowledge Vithyatharan’s arrest, it is quite possible that he could have been killed. As in hundreds of other cases, his murder would have been blamed on “unknown abductors” and after a perfunctory police investigation the case would have been closed. What stands out about Vithyatharan’s abduction was its brazen character. It took place in broad daylight in front of scores of people and involved uniformed police officers.
Sudar Oli and its sister paper in the northern town of Jaffna, Uthayan, have been targetted before. Their offices have been attacked several times and six of their employees have been killed. Following Vithyatharan’s arrest, senior staff have received threatening phone calls, telling them to leave the country or face the same fate.
The arrest of Vithyatharan followed the murder of Sunday Leader editor, Lasantha Wickrematunga, on January 8. Wickrematunga, who had been increasingly critical of the Rajapakse government, was shot in his car by unknown gunmen as he was travelling to work in Colombo. Two days earlier, armed thugs burst into the premises of the Sirasa TV station, smashing equipment and attacking staff. Police have made no arrests in either case.
According to the Sri Lankan media organisation Free Media Movement, 12 journalists have been killed in Sri Lanka since August 2005 and 27 are in detention.
Well-known journalist J.S. Tissainayagam has been detained for more than a year along with two colleagues, Vettivel Jasikaran and Vadivel Valamathy. The charges brought against Tissainayagam, some five months after he was detained, are blatantly political. He is accused of inciting communal disharmony in articles written in 2006 and 2007, as well as writing and raising money for the North Eastern Monthly magazine. The three each face up to 20 years’ jail if found guilty.
For all its boasting about the army’s victories over the LTTE, Rajapakse is confronting a deepening economic crisis and the prospect of widespread social unrest over mounting unemployment and deteriorating living standards. The government’s repression of the media is a sharp warning of the measures that are being prepared more broadly against working people.


Investigative reporter Seymour Hersh describes ‘executive assassination ring’
March 14, 2009By Eric Black
Global Research, March 12, 2009
At a “Great Conversations” event at the University of Minnesota last night, legendary investigative reporter Seymour Hersh may have made a little more news than he intended by talking about new alleged instances of domestic spying by the CIA, and about an ongoing covert military operation that he called an “executive assassination ring.”
Hersh spoke with great confidence about these findings from his current reporting, which he hasn’t written about yet.
In an email exchange afterward, Hersh said that his statements were “an honest response to a question” from the event’s moderator, U of M Political Scientist Larry Jacobs and “not something I wanted to dwell about in public.”
Hersh didn’t take back the statements, which he said arise from reporting he is doing for a book, but that it might be a year or two before he has what he needs on the topic to be “effective…that is, empirical, for even the most skeptical.”
The evening of great conversation, featuring Walter Mondale and Hersh, moderated by Jacobs and titled “America’s Constitutional Crisis,” looked to be a mostly historical review of events that have tested our Constitution, by a journalist and a high government official who had experience with many of the crises.
And it was mostly historical, and a great conversation, in which Hersh and Mondale talked about the patterns by which presidents seem to get intoxicated by executive power, frustrated by the limitations on that power from Congress and the public, drawn into improper covert actions that exceed their constitutional powers, in the belief that they can get results and will never be found out. Despite a few references to the Founding Fathers, the history was mostly recent, starting with the Vietnam War with much of it arising from the George W. Bush administration, which both men roundly denounced.
At the end of one answer by Hersh about how these things tend to happen, Jacobs asked: “And do they continue to happen to this day?”
Replied Hersh:
“Yuh. After 9/11, I haven’t written about this yet, but the Central Intelligence Agency was very deeply involved in domestic activities against people they thought to be enemies of the state. Without any legal authority for it. They haven’t been called on it yet. That does happen.
“Right now, today, there was a story in the New York Times that if you read it carefully mentioned something known as the Joint Special Operations Command — JSOC it’s called. It is a special wing of our special operations community that is set up independently. They do not report to anybody, except in the Bush-Cheney days, they reported directly to the Cheney office. They did not report to the chairman of the joint chiefs of staff or to Mr. [Robert] Gates, the secretary of defense. They reported directly to him. …
“Congress has no oversight of it. It’s an executive assassination ring essentially, and it’s been going on and on and on. Just today in the Times there was a story that its leaders, a three star admiral named [William H.] McRaven, ordered a stop to it because there were so many collateral deaths.
“Under President Bush’s authority, they’ve been going into countries, not talking to the ambassador or the CIA station chief, and finding people on a list and executing them and leaving. That’s been going on, in the name of all of us.
“It’s complicated because the guys doing it are not murderers, and yet they are committing what we would normally call murder. It’s a very complicated issue. Because they are young men that went into the Special Forces. The Delta Forces you’ve heard about. Navy Seal teams. Highly specialized.
“In many cases, they were the best and the brightest. Really, no exaggerations. Really fine guys that went in to do the kind of necessary jobs that they think you need to do to protect America. And then they find themselves torturing people.
“I’ve had people say to me — five years ago, I had one say: ‘What do you call it when you interrogate somebody and you leave them bleeding and they don’t get any medical committee and two days later he dies. Is that murder? What happens if I get before a committee?’
“But they’re not gonna get before a committee.”
Hersh, the best-known investigative reporter of his generation, writes about these kinds of issues for The New Yorker. He has written often about JSOC, including, last July that:
“Under the Bush Administration’s interpretation of the law, clandestine military activities, unlike covert C.I.A. operations, do not need to be depicted in a Finding, because the President has a constitutional right to command combat forces in the field without congressional interference.”
(“Finding” refers to a special document that a president must issue, although not make public, to authorize covert CIA actions.)
Here is a tape of the full Mondale-Hersh-Jacobs colloquy, a little over an hour, without the audience Q and A. If you want to look for the Hersh statement quoted above, it’s about at the 7:30 mark.
The rest of the evening was, as expected, full of worry and wisdom and quite a bit of Bush-bashing.
Jacobs walked the two elder statesmen through their experiences of:
Jacobs pressed both men on the question of whether the frequent abuses of power show that the Constitution fails, because these things keep happening, or whether it works, because these things keep coming to light.
Mondale stuck with the happy answer. “The system has come through again and again,” he said. Presidents always think they will get away with it, but eventually reporters like Hersh bring things to light, the public “starts smelling this stuff,” the courts and the Congress get involved. Presidents “always, in the long run, find out that the system is stronger than they are.”
Hersh seemed more troubled by the repetitions of the pattern. The “beautiful thing about our system” is that eventually we get new leaders, he said. “The evil twosome, Cheney and Bush, left,” Hersh said. But he also said “it’s really amazing to me that we manage to get such bad leadership, so consistently.”
And he added that both the press and the public let down their guard in the aftermath of 9/11.
“The major newspapers joined the [Bush] team,” Hersh said. Top editors passed the message to investigative reporters not to “pick holes” in what Bush was doing. Violations of the Bill of Rights happened in the plain sight of the public. It was not only tolerated, but Bush was re-elected.
And even Mondale admitted that one of his greatest successes, laws reforming the FBI and CIA in the aftermath of the Church Committee, were supposed to fix the problem so that “we would never have these problems again in the lifetime of anyone alive at the time, but of course we did.”
UPDATE: The CIA responds to Seymour Hersh (via MinnPost)
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Tags:abusing the executive powers, Bush administration, Bush-Cheney years, CIA, executive assassination ring, Seymour Hersh, United States
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